2013年9月25日 星期三
2013年9月24日 星期二
冼國林：詠春（附DVD）
冼國林：詠春（附DVD）
天地圖書出版
112頁/繁文橫排/平裝/16開
ISBN：9789882198777
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系列電影《葉問》票房豐收，帶動一股葉問與詠春熱潮，席捲世界。普羅大眾對詠春存有好奇之餘，亦希望對詠春加深瞭解。《葉問》系列電影出品人兼詠春總顧問冼國林先生以其對詠春拳的認識、研究與思考，本着推廣及發展詠春的精神，以淺白精練的文字，講述他對詠春的歷史和特質，亦從實戰經驗說起，論述他對詠春拳法、腳法、兵器、心法的獨特見解。除了對詠春闡述己見外，冼國林先生更談及武林輩份、正統與正宗的不同演繹，詠春拳招式的不同用法及獨特見解，功力鍛煉和對詠春的科學分析等問題。書中輔以冼國林先生親身的動作示範，圖文並茂，以期達至讓讀者一窺詠春武術全貌之願景。
作者簡介：
冼國林，企業家及武術家，在金融、武術及電影等多個領域，不斷透過創新，開拓市場。17 歲開始習武，精通多項武術，包括太極、洪拳、北少林劈掛拳及散打等等。早期跟隨葉問宗師嫡傳弟子黃紀民師傅（漢忠）學習詠春拳，並在2000 年開始以私人名義教授各項拳術；於2003 年經黃師傅同意下跟隨葉問宗師的兒子葉準繼續研究詠春。2007 年，正式設立民強武術研習社。冼國林2004 年獲邀為香港武術聯會副會長並出任香港散打代表隊教練及國際裁判，亦是香港海關武術學會總教練。2009年，更出任世界詠春聯會副主席以及香港詠春聯會主席；並於2013 年成立冼國林武術中心，準備在世界各地推廣中國功夫。為進一步推廣詠春，不斷求變，主張破舊立新，於2008 年終促成拍攝電影《葉問》，並為該片之出品人及動作總顧問，在世界各地掀起的詠春功夫熱潮，被《亞洲週刊》稱為「重現一度湮沒的武林」。冼國林在他投資及開拍的一系列葉問電影中，包括《葉問》、《葉問前傳》及《葉問——終極一戰》。除擔任出品人、監製、動作總顧問，更負責教授電影中主要演員，包括甄子丹、黃秋生、周定宇、杜宇航、樊少皇、鍾欣彤等人詠春拳。戲中的詠春動作一招一式都由冼師傅設計，而由黃秋生所飾演晚年葉問的《葉問——終極一戰》，已獲得第37 屆香港國際電影節選為開幕電影，並將於2013 年3 月底上映，相信屆時會再度掀起大家對詠春的熱愛。
作者簡介：
冼國林，企業家及武術家，在金融、武術及電影等多個領域，不斷透過創新，開拓市場。17 歲開始習武，精通多項武術，包括太極、洪拳、北少林劈掛拳及散打等等。早期跟隨葉問宗師嫡傳弟子黃紀民師傅（漢忠）學習詠春拳，並在2000 年開始以私人名義教授各項拳術；於2003 年經黃師傅同意下跟隨葉問宗師的兒子葉準繼續研究詠春。2007 年，正式設立民強武術研習社。冼國林2004 年獲邀為香港武術聯會副會長並出任香港散打代表隊教練及國際裁判，亦是香港海關武術學會總教練。2009年，更出任世界詠春聯會副主席以及香港詠春聯會主席；並於2013 年成立冼國林武術中心，準備在世界各地推廣中國功夫。為進一步推廣詠春，不斷求變，主張破舊立新，於2008 年終促成拍攝電影《葉問》，並為該片之出品人及動作總顧問，在世界各地掀起的詠春功夫熱潮，被《亞洲週刊》稱為「重現一度湮沒的武林」。冼國林在他投資及開拍的一系列葉問電影中，包括《葉問》、《葉問前傳》及《葉問——終極一戰》。除擔任出品人、監製、動作總顧問，更負責教授電影中主要演員，包括甄子丹、黃秋生、周定宇、杜宇航、樊少皇、鍾欣彤等人詠春拳。戲中的詠春動作一招一式都由冼師傅設計，而由黃秋生所飾演晚年葉問的《葉問——終極一戰》，已獲得第37 屆香港國際電影節選為開幕電影，並將於2013 年3 月底上映，相信屆時會再度掀起大家對詠春的熱愛。
2013年9月23日 星期一
梁超：虎躍龍騰演飛星
梁超：虎躍龍騰演飛星
中國哲學文化協進會出版
315頁/繁文竪排/平裝/25開
ISBN：9789628979080
香港星易公司
可郵寄外國
付款前，請先跟店主聯繫，謝謝！
Telephone: 3997 0550
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到目前為止，已經出版了好幾冊勘測實例集了，有《玄空勘宅實例集》、《旺宅設計實例集》、《勤耕在黃牛》等。己丑年所做的實例最多，所以，單獨寫了一本流年的實例總結，起名《勤耕在黃牛》，又名《八運己丑實例集》（香港出版）。大部分學員對實例集非常稱讚，並參考實例中不少例子，為福主造福。
“實踐是檢驗真理的唯一標準”，通過大量的實踐證明，《玄空飛星》在勘輿中的地位和作用，是不可或缺的！
非常感謝所有的福主對本人的支持和信任！亦非常感謝所有的學員，是他們的努力傳播，才使《玄空飛星》發揚光大！
玄真：世傳實用算命術
玄真：世傳實用算命術
名師出版
185頁/繁文橫排/平裝/25開
ISBN：9789881686022
香港星易公司
可郵寄外國
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本書《世傳實用算命術》，仍以通俗、簡明、易懂、易學為要旨。本書其中介紹的“簡易鐵版神數算命術”、“兩頭鉗算命法”、“簡易盲人納音算命術”、“命宮表速算一生財運”、“六十甲子日柱論命法”，也是難得的學習資料。
本書內容精當，既依據權威的古籍，也秉承世傳師傳。《世傳實用算命術》，是一本有價值的學習和參考教程，為方便學者自學入門，所以文章儘量精簡；書中解說大都以圖表簡化展示，使學者一看便可理解，讀者按圖索驥定可登堂入室，傳承盲派命理學絕學。
貝拉克．奧巴馬/劉津：跟美國總統學英語Great Speeches
貝拉克．奧巴馬/劉津：跟美國總統學英語Great Speeches
中國發展出版
468頁/英文橫排/平裝/25開
ISBN：9787802348639
香港星易公司
可郵寄外國
付款前，請先跟店主聯繫，謝謝！
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《Great Speeches:跟美國總統學英語》內容簡介：From George Washington to Barack Obama, Presidents have used inaugural
addresses to articulate their hopes and dreams for a nation.Collectively, these
addresses chronicle the course of this country from its earliest days to the
present.
Inaugural addresses have taken various tones, themes and forms. Some have been reflective and instructive, while others have sought to challenge and inspire. Washington’s second inaugural address on March 4, 1793 required only 135 words and is the shortest ever given. The longest on record—8495 words—was delivered in a snowstorm March 4, 1841 by William Henry Harrison.
Invoking a spirit of both history and patriotism, inaugural addresses have served to reaffirm the liberties and freedoms that mark our remarkable system of government. Many memorable and inspiring passages have originated from these addresses.
This collection includes the great inaugural addresses of 38 presidents of the United States. It is our hope that this volume will serve as an important and valuable reference for historians, scholars and English learners.
Inaugural addresses have taken various tones, themes and forms. Some have been reflective and instructive, while others have sought to challenge and inspire. Washington’s second inaugural address on March 4, 1793 required only 135 words and is the shortest ever given. The longest on record—8495 words—was delivered in a snowstorm March 4, 1841 by William Henry Harrison.
Invoking a spirit of both history and patriotism, inaugural addresses have served to reaffirm the liberties and freedoms that mark our remarkable system of government. Many memorable and inspiring passages have originated from these addresses.
This collection includes the great inaugural addresses of 38 presidents of the United States. It is our hope that this volume will serve as an important and valuable reference for historians, scholars and English learners.
編輯推薦
《Great
Speeches:跟美國總統學英語》是美國38位總統的就職演說集，免費下載對應的原聲錄音與外教朗讀，是英語學習者極有價值的讀物。通過從喬治•華盛頓到貝拉克•奧巴馬總統的演說中，讀者也可以更好地瞭解美國各個階段的政治、經濟與歷史文化。
作者簡介
作者：（美國）貝拉克•奧巴馬 等 譯者：劉津
目錄
01 George Washington (1789-1797)
First Inaugural Address 1
Second Inaugural Address 6
02 John Adams (1797-1801)
Inaugural Address 7
03 Thomas Jefferson (1801-1809)
First Inaugural Address 15
Second Inaugural Address 20
04 James Madison (1809-1817)
First Inaugural Address 28
Second Inaugural Address 32
05 James Monroe (1817-1825)
First Inaugural Address 36
Second Inaugural Address 46
06 John Quincy Adams (1825-1829)
Inaugural Address 60
07 Andrew Jackson (1829-1837)
First Inaugural Address 70
Second Inaugural Address 74
08 Martin Van Buren (1837-1841)
Inaugural Address 78
09 William Henry Harrison (1841)
Inaugural Address 90
10 James Knox Polk (1845-1849)
Inaugural Address 115
11 Zachary Taylor (1849-1850)
Inaugural Address 130
12 Franklin Pierce (1853-1857)
Inaugural Address 134
13 James Buchanan (1857-1861)
Inaugural Address 145
14 Abraham Lincoln (1861-1865)
First Inaugural Address 154
Second Inaugural Address 165
15 Ulysses S. Grant (1869-1877)
First Inaugural Address 168
Second Inaugural Address 172
16 Rutherford B. Hayes (1877-1881)
Inaugural Address 177
17 James A. Garfield (1881)
Inaugural Address 186
18 Benjamin Harrison (1889-1893)
Inaugural Address 196
19 Grover Cleveland (1893-1897)
First Inaugural Address 210
Second Inaugural Address 215
20 William McKinley (1897-1901)
First Inaugural Address 223
Second Inaugural Address 235
21 Theodore Roosevelt (1901-1909)
Inaugural Address 242
22 William Howard Taft (1909-1913)
Inaugural Address 246
23 Woodrow Wilson (1913-1921)
First Inaugural Address 263
Second Inaugural Address 268
24 Warren G. Harding (1921-1923)
Inaugural Address 273
25 Calvin Coolidge (1923-1929)
Inaugural Address 284
26 Herbert Hoover (1929-1933)
Inaugural Address 296
27 Franklin D. Roosevelt (1933-1945)
First Inaugural Address 309
Second Inaugural Address 315
Third Inaugural Address 320
Fourth Inaugural Address 325
28 Harry S. Truman (1945-1953)
Inaugural Address 327
29 Dwight D. Eisenhower (1953-1961)
First Inaugural Address 335
Second Inaugural Address 342
30 John F. Kennedy (1961-1963)
Inaugural Address 348
31 Lyndon Baines Johnson (1963-1969)
Inaugural Address 353
32 Richard Milhous Nixon (1969-1974)
First Inaugural Address 359
Second Inaugural Address 366
33 Jimmy Carter (1977-1981)
Inaugural Address 372
34 Ronald Reagan (1981-1989)
First Inaugural Address 377
Second Inaugural Address 384
35 George Bush (1989-1993)
Inaugural Address 393
36 Bill Clinton (1993-2001)
First Inaugural Address 400
Second Inaugural Address 405
37 George W. Bush (2001-2009)
First Inaugural Address 412
Second Inaugural Address 418
38 Barack Obama (2009- )
First Inaugural Address 425
Second Inaugural Address 432
First Inaugural Address 1
Second Inaugural Address 6
02 John Adams (1797-1801)
Inaugural Address 7
03 Thomas Jefferson (1801-1809)
First Inaugural Address 15
Second Inaugural Address 20
04 James Madison (1809-1817)
First Inaugural Address 28
Second Inaugural Address 32
05 James Monroe (1817-1825)
First Inaugural Address 36
Second Inaugural Address 46
06 John Quincy Adams (1825-1829)
Inaugural Address 60
07 Andrew Jackson (1829-1837)
First Inaugural Address 70
Second Inaugural Address 74
08 Martin Van Buren (1837-1841)
Inaugural Address 78
09 William Henry Harrison (1841)
Inaugural Address 90
10 James Knox Polk (1845-1849)
Inaugural Address 115
11 Zachary Taylor (1849-1850)
Inaugural Address 130
12 Franklin Pierce (1853-1857)
Inaugural Address 134
13 James Buchanan (1857-1861)
Inaugural Address 145
14 Abraham Lincoln (1861-1865)
First Inaugural Address 154
Second Inaugural Address 165
15 Ulysses S. Grant (1869-1877)
First Inaugural Address 168
Second Inaugural Address 172
16 Rutherford B. Hayes (1877-1881)
Inaugural Address 177
17 James A. Garfield (1881)
Inaugural Address 186
18 Benjamin Harrison (1889-1893)
Inaugural Address 196
19 Grover Cleveland (1893-1897)
First Inaugural Address 210
Second Inaugural Address 215
20 William McKinley (1897-1901)
First Inaugural Address 223
Second Inaugural Address 235
21 Theodore Roosevelt (1901-1909)
Inaugural Address 242
22 William Howard Taft (1909-1913)
Inaugural Address 246
23 Woodrow Wilson (1913-1921)
First Inaugural Address 263
Second Inaugural Address 268
24 Warren G. Harding (1921-1923)
Inaugural Address 273
25 Calvin Coolidge (1923-1929)
Inaugural Address 284
26 Herbert Hoover (1929-1933)
Inaugural Address 296
27 Franklin D. Roosevelt (1933-1945)
First Inaugural Address 309
Second Inaugural Address 315
Third Inaugural Address 320
Fourth Inaugural Address 325
28 Harry S. Truman (1945-1953)
Inaugural Address 327
29 Dwight D. Eisenhower (1953-1961)
First Inaugural Address 335
Second Inaugural Address 342
30 John F. Kennedy (1961-1963)
Inaugural Address 348
31 Lyndon Baines Johnson (1963-1969)
Inaugural Address 353
32 Richard Milhous Nixon (1969-1974)
First Inaugural Address 359
Second Inaugural Address 366
33 Jimmy Carter (1977-1981)
Inaugural Address 372
34 Ronald Reagan (1981-1989)
First Inaugural Address 377
Second Inaugural Address 384
35 George Bush (1989-1993)
Inaugural Address 393
36 Bill Clinton (1993-2001)
First Inaugural Address 400
Second Inaugural Address 405
37 George W. Bush (2001-2009)
First Inaugural Address 412
Second Inaugural Address 418
38 Barack Obama (2009- )
First Inaugural Address 425
Second Inaugural Address 432
序言
From George Washington to Barack Obama,
Presidents have used inaugural addresses to articulate their hopes and dreams
for a nation. Collectively, these addresses chronicle the course of this
country from its earliest days to the present.
Inaugural addresses have taken various tones, themes and forms. Some have been reflective and instructive, while others have sought to challenge and inspire. Washington’s second inaugural address on March 4, 1793 required only 135 words and is the shortest ever given. The longest on record—8,495 words—was delivered in a snowstorm March 4, 1841 by William Henry Harrison.
Invoking a spirit of both history and patriotism, inaugural addresses have served to reaffirm the liberties and freedoms that mark our remarkable system of government. Many memorable and inspiring passages have originated from these addresses. Among the best known are Washington’s pledge in 1789 to protect the new nation’s “liberties and freedoms” under “a government instituted by themselves,” Abraham Lincoln’s
plea to a nation divided by Civil War to heal “with malice toward none, with charity toward all,”Franklin D. Roosevelt’s declaration “that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself,” and John F. Kennedy’s exhortation to “ask not what your country can do for you—ask what you can do for your country.”
This collection is being published in commemoration of the Bicentennial Presidential Inauguration that was observed on January 20, 1989. Dedicated to the institution of the Presidency and the democratic process that represents the peaceful and orderly transfer of power according to the will of the people, it is our hope that this volume will serve as an important and valuable reference for historians, scholars and the English learners.
Inaugural addresses have taken various tones, themes and forms. Some have been reflective and instructive, while others have sought to challenge and inspire. Washington’s second inaugural address on March 4, 1793 required only 135 words and is the shortest ever given. The longest on record—8,495 words—was delivered in a snowstorm March 4, 1841 by William Henry Harrison.
Invoking a spirit of both history and patriotism, inaugural addresses have served to reaffirm the liberties and freedoms that mark our remarkable system of government. Many memorable and inspiring passages have originated from these addresses. Among the best known are Washington’s pledge in 1789 to protect the new nation’s “liberties and freedoms” under “a government instituted by themselves,” Abraham Lincoln’s
plea to a nation divided by Civil War to heal “with malice toward none, with charity toward all,”Franklin D. Roosevelt’s declaration “that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself,” and John F. Kennedy’s exhortation to “ask not what your country can do for you—ask what you can do for your country.”
This collection is being published in commemoration of the Bicentennial Presidential Inauguration that was observed on January 20, 1989. Dedicated to the institution of the Presidency and the democratic process that represents the peaceful and orderly transfer of power according to the will of the people, it is our hope that this volume will serve as an important and valuable reference for historians, scholars and the English learners.
文摘
Barack Obama
First Inaugural Address
Tuesday, January 20, 2009
[Barack Obama was inaugurated as the 44th President of the United States— becoming the first African American to serve in that office—on January 20, 2009.
The son of a white American mother and a black Kenyan father, Obama grew up in Hawaii. Leaving the state to attend college, he earned degrees from Columbia University and Harvard Law School. Obama worked as a community organizer in Chicago, where he met and married Michelle LaVaughn Robinson in 1992. Their two daughters, Malia Ann and Natasha (Sasha) were born in 1998 and 2001, respectively. Obama was elected to the Illinois state senate in 1996 and served there for eight years. In 2004, he was elected by a record majority to the U.S. Senate from Illinois and, in February 2007, announced his candidacy for President. After winning a closely-fought contest against New York Senator and former First Lady Hillary Rodham Clinton for the Democratic nomination, Obama handily defeated Senator John McCain of Arizona, the Republican nominee for President, in the general election.
When President Obama took office, he faced very significant challenges. The economy was officially in a recession, and the outgoing administration of George W. Bush had begun to implement a controversial “bail-out” package to try to help struggling financial institutions. In foreign affairs, the United States still had troops deployed in Iraq and Afghanistan, and warfare had broken out between Israel and Hamas in the Gaza Strip, illustrating the ongoing instability of the Middle East.]
My Fellow Citizens:
I stand here today humbled by the task before us, grateful for the trust you have bestowed, mindful of the sacrifices borne by our ancestors. I thank President Bush for his service to our nation, as well as the generosity and cooperation he has shown throughout this transition.
Forty-four Americans have now taken the presidential oath. The words have been spoken during rising tides of prosperity and the still waters of peace. Yet, every so often the oath is taken amidst gathering clouds and raging storms. At these moments, America has carried on not simply because of the skill or vision of those in high office, but because We the People have remained faithful to the ideals of our forbearers, and true to our founding documents. So it has been. So it must be with this generation of Americans.
That we are in the midst of crisis is now well understood. Our nation is at war, against a far-reaching network of violence and hatred. Our economy is badly weakened, a consequence of greed and irresponsibility on the part of some, but also our collective
failure to make hard choices and prepare the nation for a new age. Homes have been lost; jobs shed; businesses shuttered. Our health care is too costly; our schools fail too many; and each day brings further evidence that the ways we use energy strengthen our
adversaries and threaten our planet.
These are the indicators of crisis, subject to data and statistics. Less measurable but no less profound is a sapping of confidence across our land—a nagging fear that America’s decline is inevitable, that the next generation must lower its sights.
Today I say to you that the challenges we face are real. They are serious and they are many. They will not be met easily or in a short span of time. But know this, America—they will be met.
On this day, we gather because we have chosen hope over fear, unity of purpose over conflict and discord.
On this day, we come to proclaim an end to the petty grievances and false promises, the recriminations and worn-out dogmas that for far too long have strangled our politics.
We remain a young nation, but in the words of Scripture, the time has come to set aside childish things. The time has come to reaffirm our enduring spirit; to choose our better history; to carry forward that precious gift, that noble idea, passed on from generation to generation: the God-given promise that all are equal, all are free, and all deserve a chance to pursue their full measure of happiness.
In reaffirming the greatness of our nation, we understand that greatness is never a given. It must be earned. Our journey has never been one of shortcuts or settling for less. It has not been the path for the faint-hearted—for those who prefer leisure over work, or seek only the pleasures of riches and fame. Rather, it has been the risk-takers, the doers, the makers of things—some celebrated but more often men and women obscure in their labor, who have carried us up the long, rugged path towards prosperity and freedom.
For us, they packed up their few worldly possessions and traveled across oceans in search of a new life.
For us, they toiled in sweatshops and settled the West; endured the lash of the whip and plowed the hard earth.
For us, they fought and died, in places like Concord and Gettysburg; Normandy and Khe Sahn.
Time and again these men and women struggled and sacrificed and worked till their hands were raw so that we might live a better life. They saw America as bigger than the sum of our individual ambitions; greater than all the differences of birth or wealth or faction.
This is the journey we continue today. We remain the most prosperous, powerful nation on Earth. Our workers are no less productive than when this crisis began. Our minds are no less inventive, our goods and services no less needed than they were last week or last month or last year. Our capacity remains undiminished. But our time of standing pat, of protecting narrow interests and putting off unpleasant decisions—that time has surely passed. Starting today, we must pick ourselves up, dust ourselves off, and begin again the work of remaking America.
For everywhere we look, there is work to be done. The state of our economy calls for action, bold and swift, and we will act—not only to create new jobs, but to lay a new foundation for growth. We will build the roads and bridges, the electric grids and digital lines that feed our commerce and bind us together. We will restore science to its rightful place, and wield technology’s wonders to raise health care’s quality and lower its cost. We will harness the sun and the winds and the soil to fuel our cars and run our factories. And we will transform our schools and colleges and universities to meet the demands of a new age. All this we can do. All this we will do.
Now, there are some who question the scale of our ambitions— who suggest that our system cannot tolerate too many big plans. Their memories are short. For they have forgotten what this country has already done; what free men and women can achieve when
imagination is joined to common purpose, and necessity to courage.
What the cynics fail to understand is that the ground has shifted beneath them—that the stale political arguments that have consumed us for so long no longer apply. The question we ask today is not whether our government is too big or too small, but
whether it works—whether it helps families find jobs at a decent wage, care they can afford, a retirement that is dignified. Where the answer is yes, we intend to move forward. Where the answer is no, programs will end. And those of us who manage the public’s dollars will be held to account—to spend wisely, reform bad habits, and do our business in the light of day—because only then can we restore the vital trust between a people and their government.
Nor is the question before us whether the market is a force for good or ill. Its power to generate wealth and expand freedom is unmatched, but this crisis has reminded us that without a watchful eye, the market can spin out of control—the nation cannot prosper long when it favors only the prosperous. The success of our economy has always depended not just on the size of our Gross Domestic Product, but on the reach of our prosperity; on the ability to extend opportunity to every willing heart—not out of charity, but because it is the surest route to our common good.
As for our common defense, we reject as false the choice between our safety and our ideals. Our Founding Fathers, faced with perils that we can scarcely imagine, drafted a charter to assure the rule of law and the rights of man, a charter expanded by the blood of generations. Those ideals still light the world, and we will not give them up for expedience’s sake. And so to all the other peoples and governments who are watching today, from the grandest capitals to the small village where my father was born: know that America is a friend of each nation and every man, woman, and child who seeks a future of peace and dignity, and we are ready to lead once more.
Recall that earlier generations faced down fascism and communism not just with missiles and tanks, but with the sturdy alliances and enduring convictions. They understood that our power alone cannot protect us, nor does it entitle us to do as we please. Instead, they knew that our power grows through its prudent use; our security emanates from the justness of our cause, the force of our example, the tempering qualities of humility and restraint.
We are the keepers of this legacy. Guided by these principles once more, we can meet those new threats that demand even greater effort—even greater cooperation and understanding between nations. We will begin to responsibly leave Iraq to its people, and forge a hard-earned peace in Afghanistan. With old friends and former foes, we will work tirelessly to lessen the nuclear threat, and roll back the specter of a warming planet. We will not apologize for our way of life, nor will we waver in its defense, and for those who seek to advance their aims by inducing terror and slaughtering innocents, we say to you now that our spirit is stronger and cannot be broken; you cannot outlast us, and we will defeat you.
For we know that our patchwork heritage is a strength, not a weakness. We are a nation of Christians and Muslims, Jews and Hindus—and non-believers. We are shaped by every language and culture, drawn from every end of this Earth; and because we have tasted the bitter swill of civil war and segregation, and emerged from that dark chapter stronger and more united, we cannot help but believe that the old hatreds shall someday pass; that the lines of tribe shall soon dissolve; that as the world grows smaller, our common humanity shall reveal itself; and that America must play its role in ushering in a new era of peace.
To the Muslim world, we seek a new way forward, based on mutual interest and mutual respect. To those leaders around the globe who seek to sow conflict, or blame their society’s ills on the West—know that your people will judge you on what you can build, not what you destroy. To those who cling to power through corruption and deceit and the silencing of dissent, know that you are on the wrong side of history; but that we will extend a hand if you are willing to unclench your fist.
To the people of poor nations, we pledge to work alongside you to make your farms flourish and let clean waters flow; to nourish starved bodies and feed hungry minds. And to those nations like ours that enjoy relative plenty, we say we can no longer afford
indifference to the suffering outside our borders; nor can we consume the world’s resources without regard to effect. For the world has changed, and we must change with it.
As we consider the road that unfolds before us, we remember with humble gratitude those brave Americans who, at this very hour, patrol far-off deserts and distant mountains. They have something to tell us, just as the fallen heroes who lie in Arlington whisper through the ages. We honor them not only because they are the guardians of our liberty, but because they embody the spirit of service; a willingness to find meaning in something greater than themselves. And yet, at this moment—a moment that will define a generation—it is precisely this spirit that must inhabit us all.
For as much as government can do and must do, it is ultimately the faith and determination of the American people upon which this nation relies. It is the kindness to take in a stranger when the levees break, the selflessness of workers who would rather cut their hours than see a friend lose their job which sees us through our darkest hours. It is the firefighter’s courage to storm a stairway filled with smoke, but also a parent’s willingness to nurture a child, that finally decides our fate.
Our challenges may be new. The instruments with which we meet them may be new. But those values upon which our success depends—honesty and hard work, courage and fair play, tolerance and curiosity, loyalty and patriotism—these things are old. These things are true. They have been the quiet force of progress throughout our history. What is demanded then is a return to these truths. What is required of us now is a new era of responsibility—a recognition, on the part of every American, that we have duties to ourselves, our nation, and the world, duties that we do not grudgingly accept but rather seize gladly, firm in the knowledge that there is nothing so satisfying to the spirit, so defining of our character, than giving our all to a difficult task.
This is the price and the promise of citizenship.
This is the source of our confidence—the knowledge that God calls on us to shape an uncertain destiny.
This is the meaning of our liberty and our creed—why men and women and children of every race and every faith can join in celebration across this magnificent mall, and why a man whose father less than sixty years ago might not have been served at a local restaurant can now stand before you to take a most sacred oath.
So let us mark this day with remembrance, of who we are and how far we have traveled. In the year of America’s birth, in the coldest of months, a small band of patriots huddled by dying campfires on the shores of an icy river. The capital was abandoned.
The enemy was advancing. The snow was stained with blood. At a moment when the outcome of our revolution was most in doubt, the father of our nation ordered these words be read to the people:
“Let it be told to the future world… that in the depth of winter, when nothing but hope and virtue could survive… that the city and the country, alarmed at one common danger, came forth to meet… it.”
America! In the face of our common dangers, in this winter of our hardship, let us remember these timeless words. With hope and virtue, let us brave once more the icy currents, and endure what storms may come. Let it be said by our children’s children that when we were tested we refused to let this journey end, that we did not turn back nor did we falter; and with eyes fixed on the horizon and God’s grace upon us, we carried forth that great gift of freedom and delivered it safely to future generations.
Thank you. God bless you. And God bless the United States of America.
George Washington
First Inaugural Address
In the City of New York
Thursday, April 30, 1789
[The Nation’s first chief executive took his oath of office in April in New York City on the balcony of the Senate Chamber at Federal Hall on Wall Street. General Washington had been unanimously elected President by the first electoral college, and John Adams was elected Vice President because he received the second greatest number of votes. Under the rules, each elector cast two votes. The Chancellor of New York and fellow Freemason, Robert R. Livingston administered the oath of office. The Bible on which the oath was sworn belonged to New York’s St. John’s Masonic Lodge. The new President gave his inaugural address before a joint session of the two Houses of Congress assembled inside the Senate Chamber. ]
Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives:
AMONG the vicissitudes incident to life no event could have filled me with greater anxieties than that of which the notification was transmitted by your order, and received on the 14th day of the present month. On the one hand, I was summoned by my country, whose voice I can never hear but with veneration and love, from a retreat which I had chosen with the fondest predilection, and, in my flattering hopes, with an immutable decision, as the asylum of my declining years—a retreat which was rendered every day more necessary as well as more dear to me by the addition of habit to inclination, and of frequent interruptions in my health to the gradual waste committed on it by time. On the other hand, the magnitude and difficulty of the trust to which the voice of my country called me, being sufficient to awaken in the wisest and most experienced of her citizens a distrustful scrutiny into his qualifications, could not but overwhelm with despondence one who (inheriting inferior endowments from nature and unpracticed in the duties of civil administration) ought to be peculiarly conscious of his own deficiencies. In this conflict of emotions all I dare aver is that it has been my faithful study to collect my duty from a just appreciation of every circumstance by which it might be affected. All I dare hope is that if, in executing this task, I have been too much swayed by a grateful remembrance of former instances, or by an affectionate sensibility to this transcendent proof of the confidence of my fellow-citizens, and have thence too little consulted my incapacity as well as disinclination for the weighty and untried cares before me, my error will be palliated by the motives which mislead me, and its consequences be judged by my country with some share of the partiality in which they originated.
Such being the impressions under which I have, in obedience to the public summons, repaired to the present station, it would be peculiarly improper to omit in this first official act my fervent supplications to that Almighty Being who rules over the universe, who presides in the councils of nations, and whose providential aids can supply every human defect, that His benediction may consecrate to the liberties and happiness of the people of the United States a Government instituted by themselves for these essential purposes, and may enable every instrument employed in its administration to execute with success the functions allotted to his charge. In tendering this homage to the Great Author of every public and private good, I assure myself that it expresses your sentiments not less than my own, nor those of my fellow-citizens at large less than either. No people can be bound to acknowledge and adore the Invisible Hand which conducts the affairs of men more than those of the United States. Every step by which they have advanced to the character of an independent nation seems to have been distinguished by some token of providential agency; and in the important revolution just accomplished in the system of their united government the tranquil deliberations and voluntary consent of so many distinct communities from which the event has resulted can not be compared with the means by which most governments have been established without some return of pious gratitude, along with an humble anticipation of the future blessings which the past seem to presage. These reflections, arising out of the present crisis, have forced themselves too strongly on my mind to be suppressed. You will join with me, I trust, in thinking that there are none under the influence of which the proceedings of a new and free government can more auspiciously commence.
By the article establishing the executive department it is made the duty of the President “to recommend to your consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient.” The circumstances under which I now meet you will acquit me from entering into that subject further than to refer to the great constitutional charter under which you are assembled, and which, in defining your powers, designates the objects to which your attention is to be given. It will be more consistent with those circumstances, and far more congenial with the feelings which actuate me, to substitute, in place of a recommendation of particular measures, the tribute that is due to the talents, the rectitude, and the patriotism which adorn the characters selected to devise and adopt them. In these honorable qualifications I behold the surest pledges that as on one side no local prejudices or attachments, no separate views nor party animosities, will misdirect the comprehensive and equal eye which ought to watch over this great assemblage of communities and interests, so, on another, that the foundation of our national policy will be laid in the pure and immutable principles of private morality, and the preeminence of free government be exemplified by all the attributes which can win the affections of its citizens and command the respect of the world. I dwell on this prospect with every satisfaction which an ardent love for my country can inspire, since there is no truth more thoroughly established than that there exists in the economy and course of nature an indissoluble union between virtue and happiness; between duty and advantage; between the genuine maxims of an honest and magnanimous policy and the solid rewards of public prosperity and felicity; since we ought to be no less persuaded that the propitious smiles of Heaven can never be expected on a nation that disregards the eternal rules of order and right which Heaven itself has ordained; and since the preservation of the sacred fire of liberty and the destiny of the republican model of government are justly considered, perhaps, as deeply, as finally, staked on the experiment entrusted to the hands of the American people.
Besides the ordinary objects submitted to your care, it will remain with your judgment to decide how far an exercise of the occasional power delegated by the fifth article of the Constitution is rendered expedient at the present juncture by the nature of objections which have been urged against the system, or by the degree of inquietude which has given birth to them. Instead of undertaking particular recommendations on this subject, in which I could be guided by no lights derived from official opportunities, I shall again give way to my entire confidence in your discernment and pursuit of the public good; for I assure myself that whilst you carefully avoid every alteration which might endanger the benefits of an united and effective government, or which ought to await the future lessons of experience, a reverence for the characteristic rights of freemen and a regard for the public harmony will sufficiently influence your deliberations on the question how far the former can be impregnably fortified or the latter be safely and advantageously promoted.
To the foregoing observations I have one to add, which will be most properly addressed to the House of Representatives. It concerns myself, and will therefore be as brief as possible. When I was first honored with a call into the service of my country, then on the eve of an arduous struggle for its liberties, the light in which I contemplated my duty required that I should renounce every pecuniary compensation. From this resolution I have in no instance departed; and being still under the impressions which produced it, I must decline as inapplicable to myself any share in the personal emoluments which may be indispensably included in a permanent provision for the executive department, and must accordingly pray that the pecuniary estimates for the station in which I am placed may during my continuance in it be limited to such actual expenditures as the public good may be thought to require.
Having thus imparted to you my sentiments as they have been awakened by the occasion which brings us together, I shall take my present leave; but not without resorting once more to the benign Parent of the Human Race in humble supplication that, since He has been pleased to favor the American people with opportunities for deliberating in perfect tranquillity, and dispositions for deciding with unparalleled unanimity on a form of government for the security of their union and the advancement of their happiness, so His divine blessing may be equally conspicuous in the enlarged views, the temperate consultations, and the wise measures on which the success of this Government must depend.
First Inaugural Address
Tuesday, January 20, 2009
[Barack Obama was inaugurated as the 44th President of the United States— becoming the first African American to serve in that office—on January 20, 2009.
The son of a white American mother and a black Kenyan father, Obama grew up in Hawaii. Leaving the state to attend college, he earned degrees from Columbia University and Harvard Law School. Obama worked as a community organizer in Chicago, where he met and married Michelle LaVaughn Robinson in 1992. Their two daughters, Malia Ann and Natasha (Sasha) were born in 1998 and 2001, respectively. Obama was elected to the Illinois state senate in 1996 and served there for eight years. In 2004, he was elected by a record majority to the U.S. Senate from Illinois and, in February 2007, announced his candidacy for President. After winning a closely-fought contest against New York Senator and former First Lady Hillary Rodham Clinton for the Democratic nomination, Obama handily defeated Senator John McCain of Arizona, the Republican nominee for President, in the general election.
When President Obama took office, he faced very significant challenges. The economy was officially in a recession, and the outgoing administration of George W. Bush had begun to implement a controversial “bail-out” package to try to help struggling financial institutions. In foreign affairs, the United States still had troops deployed in Iraq and Afghanistan, and warfare had broken out between Israel and Hamas in the Gaza Strip, illustrating the ongoing instability of the Middle East.]
My Fellow Citizens:
I stand here today humbled by the task before us, grateful for the trust you have bestowed, mindful of the sacrifices borne by our ancestors. I thank President Bush for his service to our nation, as well as the generosity and cooperation he has shown throughout this transition.
Forty-four Americans have now taken the presidential oath. The words have been spoken during rising tides of prosperity and the still waters of peace. Yet, every so often the oath is taken amidst gathering clouds and raging storms. At these moments, America has carried on not simply because of the skill or vision of those in high office, but because We the People have remained faithful to the ideals of our forbearers, and true to our founding documents. So it has been. So it must be with this generation of Americans.
That we are in the midst of crisis is now well understood. Our nation is at war, against a far-reaching network of violence and hatred. Our economy is badly weakened, a consequence of greed and irresponsibility on the part of some, but also our collective
failure to make hard choices and prepare the nation for a new age. Homes have been lost; jobs shed; businesses shuttered. Our health care is too costly; our schools fail too many; and each day brings further evidence that the ways we use energy strengthen our
adversaries and threaten our planet.
These are the indicators of crisis, subject to data and statistics. Less measurable but no less profound is a sapping of confidence across our land—a nagging fear that America’s decline is inevitable, that the next generation must lower its sights.
Today I say to you that the challenges we face are real. They are serious and they are many. They will not be met easily or in a short span of time. But know this, America—they will be met.
On this day, we gather because we have chosen hope over fear, unity of purpose over conflict and discord.
On this day, we come to proclaim an end to the petty grievances and false promises, the recriminations and worn-out dogmas that for far too long have strangled our politics.
We remain a young nation, but in the words of Scripture, the time has come to set aside childish things. The time has come to reaffirm our enduring spirit; to choose our better history; to carry forward that precious gift, that noble idea, passed on from generation to generation: the God-given promise that all are equal, all are free, and all deserve a chance to pursue their full measure of happiness.
In reaffirming the greatness of our nation, we understand that greatness is never a given. It must be earned. Our journey has never been one of shortcuts or settling for less. It has not been the path for the faint-hearted—for those who prefer leisure over work, or seek only the pleasures of riches and fame. Rather, it has been the risk-takers, the doers, the makers of things—some celebrated but more often men and women obscure in their labor, who have carried us up the long, rugged path towards prosperity and freedom.
For us, they packed up their few worldly possessions and traveled across oceans in search of a new life.
For us, they toiled in sweatshops and settled the West; endured the lash of the whip and plowed the hard earth.
For us, they fought and died, in places like Concord and Gettysburg; Normandy and Khe Sahn.
Time and again these men and women struggled and sacrificed and worked till their hands were raw so that we might live a better life. They saw America as bigger than the sum of our individual ambitions; greater than all the differences of birth or wealth or faction.
This is the journey we continue today. We remain the most prosperous, powerful nation on Earth. Our workers are no less productive than when this crisis began. Our minds are no less inventive, our goods and services no less needed than they were last week or last month or last year. Our capacity remains undiminished. But our time of standing pat, of protecting narrow interests and putting off unpleasant decisions—that time has surely passed. Starting today, we must pick ourselves up, dust ourselves off, and begin again the work of remaking America.
For everywhere we look, there is work to be done. The state of our economy calls for action, bold and swift, and we will act—not only to create new jobs, but to lay a new foundation for growth. We will build the roads and bridges, the electric grids and digital lines that feed our commerce and bind us together. We will restore science to its rightful place, and wield technology’s wonders to raise health care’s quality and lower its cost. We will harness the sun and the winds and the soil to fuel our cars and run our factories. And we will transform our schools and colleges and universities to meet the demands of a new age. All this we can do. All this we will do.
Now, there are some who question the scale of our ambitions— who suggest that our system cannot tolerate too many big plans. Their memories are short. For they have forgotten what this country has already done; what free men and women can achieve when
imagination is joined to common purpose, and necessity to courage.
What the cynics fail to understand is that the ground has shifted beneath them—that the stale political arguments that have consumed us for so long no longer apply. The question we ask today is not whether our government is too big or too small, but
whether it works—whether it helps families find jobs at a decent wage, care they can afford, a retirement that is dignified. Where the answer is yes, we intend to move forward. Where the answer is no, programs will end. And those of us who manage the public’s dollars will be held to account—to spend wisely, reform bad habits, and do our business in the light of day—because only then can we restore the vital trust between a people and their government.
Nor is the question before us whether the market is a force for good or ill. Its power to generate wealth and expand freedom is unmatched, but this crisis has reminded us that without a watchful eye, the market can spin out of control—the nation cannot prosper long when it favors only the prosperous. The success of our economy has always depended not just on the size of our Gross Domestic Product, but on the reach of our prosperity; on the ability to extend opportunity to every willing heart—not out of charity, but because it is the surest route to our common good.
As for our common defense, we reject as false the choice between our safety and our ideals. Our Founding Fathers, faced with perils that we can scarcely imagine, drafted a charter to assure the rule of law and the rights of man, a charter expanded by the blood of generations. Those ideals still light the world, and we will not give them up for expedience’s sake. And so to all the other peoples and governments who are watching today, from the grandest capitals to the small village where my father was born: know that America is a friend of each nation and every man, woman, and child who seeks a future of peace and dignity, and we are ready to lead once more.
Recall that earlier generations faced down fascism and communism not just with missiles and tanks, but with the sturdy alliances and enduring convictions. They understood that our power alone cannot protect us, nor does it entitle us to do as we please. Instead, they knew that our power grows through its prudent use; our security emanates from the justness of our cause, the force of our example, the tempering qualities of humility and restraint.
We are the keepers of this legacy. Guided by these principles once more, we can meet those new threats that demand even greater effort—even greater cooperation and understanding between nations. We will begin to responsibly leave Iraq to its people, and forge a hard-earned peace in Afghanistan. With old friends and former foes, we will work tirelessly to lessen the nuclear threat, and roll back the specter of a warming planet. We will not apologize for our way of life, nor will we waver in its defense, and for those who seek to advance their aims by inducing terror and slaughtering innocents, we say to you now that our spirit is stronger and cannot be broken; you cannot outlast us, and we will defeat you.
For we know that our patchwork heritage is a strength, not a weakness. We are a nation of Christians and Muslims, Jews and Hindus—and non-believers. We are shaped by every language and culture, drawn from every end of this Earth; and because we have tasted the bitter swill of civil war and segregation, and emerged from that dark chapter stronger and more united, we cannot help but believe that the old hatreds shall someday pass; that the lines of tribe shall soon dissolve; that as the world grows smaller, our common humanity shall reveal itself; and that America must play its role in ushering in a new era of peace.
To the Muslim world, we seek a new way forward, based on mutual interest and mutual respect. To those leaders around the globe who seek to sow conflict, or blame their society’s ills on the West—know that your people will judge you on what you can build, not what you destroy. To those who cling to power through corruption and deceit and the silencing of dissent, know that you are on the wrong side of history; but that we will extend a hand if you are willing to unclench your fist.
To the people of poor nations, we pledge to work alongside you to make your farms flourish and let clean waters flow; to nourish starved bodies and feed hungry minds. And to those nations like ours that enjoy relative plenty, we say we can no longer afford
indifference to the suffering outside our borders; nor can we consume the world’s resources without regard to effect. For the world has changed, and we must change with it.
As we consider the road that unfolds before us, we remember with humble gratitude those brave Americans who, at this very hour, patrol far-off deserts and distant mountains. They have something to tell us, just as the fallen heroes who lie in Arlington whisper through the ages. We honor them not only because they are the guardians of our liberty, but because they embody the spirit of service; a willingness to find meaning in something greater than themselves. And yet, at this moment—a moment that will define a generation—it is precisely this spirit that must inhabit us all.
For as much as government can do and must do, it is ultimately the faith and determination of the American people upon which this nation relies. It is the kindness to take in a stranger when the levees break, the selflessness of workers who would rather cut their hours than see a friend lose their job which sees us through our darkest hours. It is the firefighter’s courage to storm a stairway filled with smoke, but also a parent’s willingness to nurture a child, that finally decides our fate.
Our challenges may be new. The instruments with which we meet them may be new. But those values upon which our success depends—honesty and hard work, courage and fair play, tolerance and curiosity, loyalty and patriotism—these things are old. These things are true. They have been the quiet force of progress throughout our history. What is demanded then is a return to these truths. What is required of us now is a new era of responsibility—a recognition, on the part of every American, that we have duties to ourselves, our nation, and the world, duties that we do not grudgingly accept but rather seize gladly, firm in the knowledge that there is nothing so satisfying to the spirit, so defining of our character, than giving our all to a difficult task.
This is the price and the promise of citizenship.
This is the source of our confidence—the knowledge that God calls on us to shape an uncertain destiny.
This is the meaning of our liberty and our creed—why men and women and children of every race and every faith can join in celebration across this magnificent mall, and why a man whose father less than sixty years ago might not have been served at a local restaurant can now stand before you to take a most sacred oath.
So let us mark this day with remembrance, of who we are and how far we have traveled. In the year of America’s birth, in the coldest of months, a small band of patriots huddled by dying campfires on the shores of an icy river. The capital was abandoned.
The enemy was advancing. The snow was stained with blood. At a moment when the outcome of our revolution was most in doubt, the father of our nation ordered these words be read to the people:
“Let it be told to the future world… that in the depth of winter, when nothing but hope and virtue could survive… that the city and the country, alarmed at one common danger, came forth to meet… it.”
America! In the face of our common dangers, in this winter of our hardship, let us remember these timeless words. With hope and virtue, let us brave once more the icy currents, and endure what storms may come. Let it be said by our children’s children that when we were tested we refused to let this journey end, that we did not turn back nor did we falter; and with eyes fixed on the horizon and God’s grace upon us, we carried forth that great gift of freedom and delivered it safely to future generations.
Thank you. God bless you. And God bless the United States of America.
George Washington
First Inaugural Address
In the City of New York
Thursday, April 30, 1789
[The Nation’s first chief executive took his oath of office in April in New York City on the balcony of the Senate Chamber at Federal Hall on Wall Street. General Washington had been unanimously elected President by the first electoral college, and John Adams was elected Vice President because he received the second greatest number of votes. Under the rules, each elector cast two votes. The Chancellor of New York and fellow Freemason, Robert R. Livingston administered the oath of office. The Bible on which the oath was sworn belonged to New York’s St. John’s Masonic Lodge. The new President gave his inaugural address before a joint session of the two Houses of Congress assembled inside the Senate Chamber. ]
Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives:
AMONG the vicissitudes incident to life no event could have filled me with greater anxieties than that of which the notification was transmitted by your order, and received on the 14th day of the present month. On the one hand, I was summoned by my country, whose voice I can never hear but with veneration and love, from a retreat which I had chosen with the fondest predilection, and, in my flattering hopes, with an immutable decision, as the asylum of my declining years—a retreat which was rendered every day more necessary as well as more dear to me by the addition of habit to inclination, and of frequent interruptions in my health to the gradual waste committed on it by time. On the other hand, the magnitude and difficulty of the trust to which the voice of my country called me, being sufficient to awaken in the wisest and most experienced of her citizens a distrustful scrutiny into his qualifications, could not but overwhelm with despondence one who (inheriting inferior endowments from nature and unpracticed in the duties of civil administration) ought to be peculiarly conscious of his own deficiencies. In this conflict of emotions all I dare aver is that it has been my faithful study to collect my duty from a just appreciation of every circumstance by which it might be affected. All I dare hope is that if, in executing this task, I have been too much swayed by a grateful remembrance of former instances, or by an affectionate sensibility to this transcendent proof of the confidence of my fellow-citizens, and have thence too little consulted my incapacity as well as disinclination for the weighty and untried cares before me, my error will be palliated by the motives which mislead me, and its consequences be judged by my country with some share of the partiality in which they originated.
Such being the impressions under which I have, in obedience to the public summons, repaired to the present station, it would be peculiarly improper to omit in this first official act my fervent supplications to that Almighty Being who rules over the universe, who presides in the councils of nations, and whose providential aids can supply every human defect, that His benediction may consecrate to the liberties and happiness of the people of the United States a Government instituted by themselves for these essential purposes, and may enable every instrument employed in its administration to execute with success the functions allotted to his charge. In tendering this homage to the Great Author of every public and private good, I assure myself that it expresses your sentiments not less than my own, nor those of my fellow-citizens at large less than either. No people can be bound to acknowledge and adore the Invisible Hand which conducts the affairs of men more than those of the United States. Every step by which they have advanced to the character of an independent nation seems to have been distinguished by some token of providential agency; and in the important revolution just accomplished in the system of their united government the tranquil deliberations and voluntary consent of so many distinct communities from which the event has resulted can not be compared with the means by which most governments have been established without some return of pious gratitude, along with an humble anticipation of the future blessings which the past seem to presage. These reflections, arising out of the present crisis, have forced themselves too strongly on my mind to be suppressed. You will join with me, I trust, in thinking that there are none under the influence of which the proceedings of a new and free government can more auspiciously commence.
By the article establishing the executive department it is made the duty of the President “to recommend to your consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient.” The circumstances under which I now meet you will acquit me from entering into that subject further than to refer to the great constitutional charter under which you are assembled, and which, in defining your powers, designates the objects to which your attention is to be given. It will be more consistent with those circumstances, and far more congenial with the feelings which actuate me, to substitute, in place of a recommendation of particular measures, the tribute that is due to the talents, the rectitude, and the patriotism which adorn the characters selected to devise and adopt them. In these honorable qualifications I behold the surest pledges that as on one side no local prejudices or attachments, no separate views nor party animosities, will misdirect the comprehensive and equal eye which ought to watch over this great assemblage of communities and interests, so, on another, that the foundation of our national policy will be laid in the pure and immutable principles of private morality, and the preeminence of free government be exemplified by all the attributes which can win the affections of its citizens and command the respect of the world. I dwell on this prospect with every satisfaction which an ardent love for my country can inspire, since there is no truth more thoroughly established than that there exists in the economy and course of nature an indissoluble union between virtue and happiness; between duty and advantage; between the genuine maxims of an honest and magnanimous policy and the solid rewards of public prosperity and felicity; since we ought to be no less persuaded that the propitious smiles of Heaven can never be expected on a nation that disregards the eternal rules of order and right which Heaven itself has ordained; and since the preservation of the sacred fire of liberty and the destiny of the republican model of government are justly considered, perhaps, as deeply, as finally, staked on the experiment entrusted to the hands of the American people.
Besides the ordinary objects submitted to your care, it will remain with your judgment to decide how far an exercise of the occasional power delegated by the fifth article of the Constitution is rendered expedient at the present juncture by the nature of objections which have been urged against the system, or by the degree of inquietude which has given birth to them. Instead of undertaking particular recommendations on this subject, in which I could be guided by no lights derived from official opportunities, I shall again give way to my entire confidence in your discernment and pursuit of the public good; for I assure myself that whilst you carefully avoid every alteration which might endanger the benefits of an united and effective government, or which ought to await the future lessons of experience, a reverence for the characteristic rights of freemen and a regard for the public harmony will sufficiently influence your deliberations on the question how far the former can be impregnably fortified or the latter be safely and advantageously promoted.
To the foregoing observations I have one to add, which will be most properly addressed to the House of Representatives. It concerns myself, and will therefore be as brief as possible. When I was first honored with a call into the service of my country, then on the eve of an arduous struggle for its liberties, the light in which I contemplated my duty required that I should renounce every pecuniary compensation. From this resolution I have in no instance departed; and being still under the impressions which produced it, I must decline as inapplicable to myself any share in the personal emoluments which may be indispensably included in a permanent provision for the executive department, and must accordingly pray that the pecuniary estimates for the station in which I am placed may during my continuance in it be limited to such actual expenditures as the public good may be thought to require.
Having thus imparted to you my sentiments as they have been awakened by the occasion which brings us together, I shall take my present leave; but not without resorting once more to the benign Parent of the Human Race in humble supplication that, since He has been pleased to favor the American people with opportunities for deliberating in perfect tranquillity, and dispositions for deciding with unparalleled unanimity on a form of government for the security of their union and the advancement of their happiness, so His divine blessing may be equally conspicuous in the enlarged views, the temperate consultations, and the wise measures on which the success of this Government must depend.
萬民英/許頤平/程子和：圖解三命通會【簡體】
萬民英/許頤平/程子和：圖解三命通會【簡體】
中國華齡出版
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《圖解三命通會(全3冊)》內容包括：《八字神煞》、《吉凶推斷》、《論命精要》。第一部 八字神煞(原書卷1－卷3)，主要講述了干支、五行、陰陽、神煞、年月日時等八字基礎入門知識。第二部 吉凶推斷(原書卷4－卷9)，主要論述了200多個命局、命格、變格和大量命理實例推斷。第三部 論命精要(原書卷10－卷12)，對原著收錄的歷代論命典籍進行深入淺出的解讀。
《四庫全書·子部》收錄了許多中國古代的術數經典，明代萬民英所著的《三命通會》就是其中重要的一部，為古代命理學的集大成之作，自明代以來廣為流傳，《四庫全書》將其收錄並給予了高度的評價：“自明以來二百餘年談星命者皆以此本為總匯，幾於家有其書。”
《圖解三命通會》便是以《四庫全書》文淵閣足本12卷《三命通會》為底本，進行了精心點校和白話評注，補充了大量珍貴的古代插圖，並通過600余幅精美現代手繪圖及通俗圖表的生動圖解，使現代讀者得以瞭解中國傳統文化的這一重要組成部分。
《圖解三命通會》以《四庫全書·子部·術數》文淵閣版本的足本《三命通會》為底本，進行了精心點校和白話評注，補充了大量珍貴的古代插圖，並通過600余幅精美現代手繪圖及通俗圖表的生動圖解，使現代讀者得以瞭解中國傳統文化的這一重要組成部分。
《四庫全書·子部》收錄了許多中國古代的術數經典，明代萬民英所著的《三命通會》就是其中重要的一部，為古代命理學的集大成之作，自明代以來廣為流傳，《四庫全書》將其收錄並給予了高度的評價：“自明以來二百餘年談星命者皆以此本為總匯，幾於家有其書。”
《圖解三命通會》便是以《四庫全書》文淵閣足本12卷《三命通會》為底本，進行了精心點校和白話評注，補充了大量珍貴的古代插圖，並通過600余幅精美現代手繪圖及通俗圖表的生動圖解，使現代讀者得以瞭解中國傳統文化的這一重要組成部分。
《圖解三命通會》以《四庫全書·子部·術數》文淵閣版本的足本《三命通會》為底本，進行了精心點校和白話評注，補充了大量珍貴的古代插圖，並通過600余幅精美現代手繪圖及通俗圖表的生動圖解，使現代讀者得以瞭解中國傳統文化的這一重要組成部分。
編輯推薦
《圖解三命通會(全3冊)》內容簡介：《四庫全書》是中國歷史上最著名、最龐大的一部百科叢書，由清乾隆皇帝欽定纂修，從乾隆三十七年（1772）開始，歷時10年才最終編修完成。該叢書共收錄圖書3503種，總計約10億字，分經、史、子，集四部，故名“四庫”。《四庫全書》彙集了從先秦到清代前期各種學科門類的重要典籍，為中華傳統文化最豐富最完備的集大成之作。
《四庫全書白話圖解》叢書精選《四庫全書》中收錄的部分中國傳統文化經典，以適應現代讀者閱讀需要的編輯方法，經過精心校勘、白話評注、生動圖解編撰而成。本叢書既保留了《四庫全書》文淵閣本的權威版本，又加注了通俗易懂的白話提要；此外，還輯錄了大量古代珍貴圖版，並精心繪製了便於讀者理解的手繪圖、表格、圖表等，用現代編輯手法大大增強了古代典籍的可讀性，讓傳統經典生動易懂，同時兼具一定的文獻價值、版本價值和收藏價值。
中國傳統命理學之大戰。白話詳解圖解本。
《四庫全書》子部精要，古代命理學的集大成之作，400多個示意圖表，200多幅精美手繪插圖，深入淺出，通俗易懂，100多幅珍貴古籍插圖，12卷文淵足本，值得收藏。
《四庫全書白話圖解》叢書精選《四庫全書》中收錄的部分中國傳統文化經典，以適應現代讀者閱讀需要的編輯方法，經過精心校勘、白話評注、生動圖解編撰而成。本叢書既保留了《四庫全書》文淵閣本的權威版本，又加注了通俗易懂的白話提要；此外，還輯錄了大量古代珍貴圖版，並精心繪製了便於讀者理解的手繪圖、表格、圖表等，用現代編輯手法大大增強了古代典籍的可讀性，讓傳統經典生動易懂，同時兼具一定的文獻價值、版本價值和收藏價值。
中國傳統命理學之大戰。白話詳解圖解本。
《四庫全書》子部精要，古代命理學的集大成之作，400多個示意圖表，200多幅精美手繪插圖，深入淺出，通俗易懂，100多幅珍貴古籍插圖，12卷文淵足本，值得收藏。
作者簡介
萬民英，字育吾（一說字汝豪，號育吾），明嘉靖年間進士，官至福建布政司右參議，曾坐鎮泉州指揮抗倭。除了《三命通會》之外，還著有《星學大成》、《易經會解》等書。
目錄
圖解三命通會
第一部 八字神煞
本書內容導航
卷一 論五行及六十甲子吉凶
1．原造化之始
天地初開，混沌一氣
諸家論太極
五行陰陽
性無所不在
形氣交感而萬物生
天地之氣交而生人物
關於“命”
為何五行八字同，而富貴貧賤壽夭各異?
不同的觀點
天人感應，五行各不相離
順天則福，逆天則災
2．論五行生成
五行的生成次序：水火木金土
水生於一
火、木、金、土依次而出
五行的性質
氣的運行
動靜與五行之運
3．論五行生克
五行相生
五行相克
4．論支幹源流
天干地支的起源
十二辰之常
5．論十幹名字之義
天生十幹
十天干釋義
6．論十二支名字之義
地牛十二支
十二地支釋義
千支相配
干支與《河圖》、《洛書》
7．總論納音
納音推法一
納音推法二
納音推法三
納音推法四
納音推法五
納音之妙
8．論納音取象
十二地支與人生的富貴吉凶
海中金、金箔金、白蠟金、沙中金、劍鋒金、釵釧金
桑柘木、松柏木、大林木、楊柳木、石榴木、平地木
澗下水、大溪水、長流水、天河水、井泉水、大海水
霹靂火、爐中火、覆燈火、天上火、山下火、山頭火
壁上土、城頭土、沙中土、路旁土、大驛土、屋上土
干支五行相配，洞悟人生萬事
9．釋六十甲子性質凶吉
甲子旬之性質
甲戌旬之性質
甲申旬之性質
甲午旬之性質
甲辰旬之性質
甲寅旬之性質
納音盛大與小弱
甲子旬之喜忌
甲戌旬之喜忌
甲申旬之喜忌
甲午旬之喜忌
甲辰旬之喜忌
甲寅旬之喜忌
丙戌土、乙巳火等的生克關係
壬寅金、庚申木等的生克關係
戊午火、庚辰木等的生克關係
甲子乙丑海中金
壬寅癸卯金箔金
庚辰辛巳白蠟金
甲午乙未沙中金
壬申癸酉劍鋒金
庚戌辛亥釵釧金
戊子己醜霹靂火
丙寅丁卯爐中火
甲辰乙巳覆燈火
戊午巳未天上火
丙申丁酉山下火
甲戌乙亥山頭火
壬子癸醜桑柘木
庚寅辛卯松柏木
戊辰己巳大林木
壬午癸未楊柳木
庚申辛酉石榴木
戊戌己亥平地木
庚子辛醜壁上土
戊寅己卯城頭土
丙辰丁巳沙中土
庚午辛未路旁土
戊申己酉大驛土
丙戌丁亥屋上土
丙子丁醜澗下水
甲寅乙卯大溪水
壬辰癸巳長流水
丙午丁未天河水
甲申乙酉井泉水
壬戌癸亥大海水
天干的五行屬性與納音取象
納音取象之妙
干支推命並不遜於八卦占筮
10．論五行
基本元素——五行
金
木
水
火
土
11．論《河圖》及《洪範·五行》
八幹納卦
地支納卦
卷二 論干支陰陽生死
1．論天干陰陽生死
天干呈現世界萬象
甲木：主宰四時，生於亥而死於午
乙木：化育萬物，生於午死於亥
丙火：普照六合，生於寅而死於酉
丁火：萬物之精，生予酉而死於寅
戊土：厚載萬物，生於寅而死於酉
己土：天之元氣，生於酉而死於寅
庚金：掌控天地肅殺大權，生於巳而死於子
辛金：五金之首，生於子而死於巳
壬水：喜陽水怕陰木，生於申而死於卯
癸水：潤土滋生，生於卯而死于申
五行長生旺盛的原理
臨官歸祿
天干的生旺、死絕之理
陰氣流行則為陽，陽氣凝聚則為陰
2．論地支
地支的功用與喜神忌煞
子醜
寅卯
辰巳
午未
申酉
戌亥
中和為貴
3．十幹分配天文
甲木為雷，喜春天忌西方
乙木為風，喜秋天忌初冬
丙為日，喜春秋忌冬夏
丁火為星，喜夜和秋天
戊土為霞，喜雨水
己土為雲，喜雨忌風
庚金為月，極喜秋
辛金為霜，喜冬
壬水為秋露，喜遇丁火
癸水為春霖，喜春夏忌秋冬
4．十二支分配地理
子年見癸亥，文章高手
午年見辰時，馬化龍駒，貴
卯年遇己未，兔入月宮，大貴
酉年逢寅時，鐘鳴谷應，大吉
寅年遇戊辰，威震萬里，大貴
申年逢亥時，地天交泰，大吉
巳年逢辰時，千里龍駒，吉利
亥年遇寅辰時，水拱雷門，大貴
辰年逢壬戌、癸亥，龍歸大海，顯貴
戌年逢卯支，春人燒痕，大吉
醜年逢己未，月照柳梢，上格
未年遇戊戌，雙飛格，上好
十幹取象為何不同?
五行貴在中和
5．論地支屬相
地支與十二生肖
為何十二屬相各有缺陷?
6．論人元司事
7．論四時節氣
一年四季
二十四節氣
命運如同四時節氣，有消有長
完備的星相體系
9．論時刻
10．論太陽躔次太陰納甲及出入會合
太陽陽剛，為人君之象
月亮陰柔，為後妃之象
納幹配支之法
納卦之法
11．論五行旺相休囚死並寄生十二宮
12．論遁月時
13．論年月日時
本主得位，一生通達
每月日時四柱
年柱主人一生禍福凶吉
月柱是行運的重要因素
日柱是命運的決定因素
時柱調和、助益年月二柱
四柱的生克關係
四柱的吉凶判斷
14．論胎元
15．論坐命宮
卷三 總論神煞
第二部 吉凶推斷
卷四 論五行與干支
卷五 論十神與正格
卷六 論命格的變格
卷七 論人事
卷八 各生時之命斷一
卷九 各生時之命斷二
第三部 論命精要
卷十 論命要訣
卷十一 命理氣象與人之性情
卷十二 論命賦訣集解
第一部 八字神煞
本書內容導航
卷一 論五行及六十甲子吉凶
1．原造化之始
天地初開，混沌一氣
諸家論太極
五行陰陽
性無所不在
形氣交感而萬物生
天地之氣交而生人物
關於“命”
為何五行八字同，而富貴貧賤壽夭各異?
不同的觀點
天人感應，五行各不相離
順天則福，逆天則災
2．論五行生成
五行的生成次序：水火木金土
水生於一
火、木、金、土依次而出
五行的性質
氣的運行
動靜與五行之運
3．論五行生克
五行相生
五行相克
4．論支幹源流
天干地支的起源
十二辰之常
5．論十幹名字之義
天生十幹
十天干釋義
6．論十二支名字之義
地牛十二支
十二地支釋義
千支相配
干支與《河圖》、《洛書》
7．總論納音
納音推法一
納音推法二
納音推法三
納音推法四
納音推法五
納音之妙
8．論納音取象
十二地支與人生的富貴吉凶
海中金、金箔金、白蠟金、沙中金、劍鋒金、釵釧金
桑柘木、松柏木、大林木、楊柳木、石榴木、平地木
澗下水、大溪水、長流水、天河水、井泉水、大海水
霹靂火、爐中火、覆燈火、天上火、山下火、山頭火
壁上土、城頭土、沙中土、路旁土、大驛土、屋上土
干支五行相配，洞悟人生萬事
9．釋六十甲子性質凶吉
甲子旬之性質
甲戌旬之性質
甲申旬之性質
甲午旬之性質
甲辰旬之性質
甲寅旬之性質
納音盛大與小弱
甲子旬之喜忌
甲戌旬之喜忌
甲申旬之喜忌
甲午旬之喜忌
甲辰旬之喜忌
甲寅旬之喜忌
丙戌土、乙巳火等的生克關係
壬寅金、庚申木等的生克關係
戊午火、庚辰木等的生克關係
甲子乙丑海中金
壬寅癸卯金箔金
庚辰辛巳白蠟金
甲午乙未沙中金
壬申癸酉劍鋒金
庚戌辛亥釵釧金
戊子己醜霹靂火
丙寅丁卯爐中火
甲辰乙巳覆燈火
戊午巳未天上火
丙申丁酉山下火
甲戌乙亥山頭火
壬子癸醜桑柘木
庚寅辛卯松柏木
戊辰己巳大林木
壬午癸未楊柳木
庚申辛酉石榴木
戊戌己亥平地木
庚子辛醜壁上土
戊寅己卯城頭土
丙辰丁巳沙中土
庚午辛未路旁土
戊申己酉大驛土
丙戌丁亥屋上土
丙子丁醜澗下水
甲寅乙卯大溪水
壬辰癸巳長流水
丙午丁未天河水
甲申乙酉井泉水
壬戌癸亥大海水
天干的五行屬性與納音取象
納音取象之妙
干支推命並不遜於八卦占筮
10．論五行
基本元素——五行
金
木
水
火
土
11．論《河圖》及《洪範·五行》
八幹納卦
地支納卦
卷二 論干支陰陽生死
1．論天干陰陽生死
天干呈現世界萬象
甲木：主宰四時，生於亥而死於午
乙木：化育萬物，生於午死於亥
丙火：普照六合，生於寅而死於酉
丁火：萬物之精，生予酉而死於寅
戊土：厚載萬物，生於寅而死於酉
己土：天之元氣，生於酉而死於寅
庚金：掌控天地肅殺大權，生於巳而死於子
辛金：五金之首，生於子而死於巳
壬水：喜陽水怕陰木，生於申而死於卯
癸水：潤土滋生，生於卯而死于申
五行長生旺盛的原理
臨官歸祿
天干的生旺、死絕之理
陰氣流行則為陽，陽氣凝聚則為陰
2．論地支
地支的功用與喜神忌煞
子醜
寅卯
辰巳
午未
申酉
戌亥
中和為貴
3．十幹分配天文
甲木為雷，喜春天忌西方
乙木為風，喜秋天忌初冬
丙為日，喜春秋忌冬夏
丁火為星，喜夜和秋天
戊土為霞，喜雨水
己土為雲，喜雨忌風
庚金為月，極喜秋
辛金為霜，喜冬
壬水為秋露，喜遇丁火
癸水為春霖，喜春夏忌秋冬
4．十二支分配地理
子年見癸亥，文章高手
午年見辰時，馬化龍駒，貴
卯年遇己未，兔入月宮，大貴
酉年逢寅時，鐘鳴谷應，大吉
寅年遇戊辰，威震萬里，大貴
申年逢亥時，地天交泰，大吉
巳年逢辰時，千里龍駒，吉利
亥年遇寅辰時，水拱雷門，大貴
辰年逢壬戌、癸亥，龍歸大海，顯貴
戌年逢卯支，春人燒痕，大吉
醜年逢己未，月照柳梢，上格
未年遇戊戌，雙飛格，上好
十幹取象為何不同?
五行貴在中和
5．論地支屬相
地支與十二生肖
為何十二屬相各有缺陷?
6．論人元司事
7．論四時節氣
一年四季
二十四節氣
命運如同四時節氣，有消有長
完備的星相體系
9．論時刻
10．論太陽躔次太陰納甲及出入會合
太陽陽剛，為人君之象
月亮陰柔，為後妃之象
納幹配支之法
納卦之法
11．論五行旺相休囚死並寄生十二宮
12．論遁月時
13．論年月日時
本主得位，一生通達
每月日時四柱
年柱主人一生禍福凶吉
月柱是行運的重要因素
日柱是命運的決定因素
時柱調和、助益年月二柱
四柱的生克關係
四柱的吉凶判斷
14．論胎元
15．論坐命宮
卷三 總論神煞
第二部 吉凶推斷
卷四 論五行與干支
卷五 論十神與正格
卷六 論命格的變格
卷七 論人事
卷八 各生時之命斷一
卷九 各生時之命斷二
第三部 論命精要
卷十 論命要訣
卷十一 命理氣象與人之性情
卷十二 論命賦訣集解
序言
《四庫全書》是中國歷史上最龐大的一部官修百科叢書。清乾隆年間，經過翰林院紀昀（紀曉嵐）、戴震、姚鼐等400余位名人學士歷時十載精心甄選與編訂而成，全套叢書卷帙浩繁，分為經、史、子、集四部，彙集了從先秦到清代前期的重要典籍，共收錄圖書3503種，基本囊括了古代重要典籍，保存了文、史、哲、理、工、醫等幾乎所有學科的源頭和血脈，也開創了中國書目學之先河，是中華傳統文化最豐富、最完備的集大成之作，具有無與倫比的文獻價值、史料價值、文物價值與版本價值。
“四庫”之名，源于初唐，初唐官方藏書分為經、史、子、集四個書庫，號稱“四部庫書”，或“四庫之書”。承唐之傳統，《四庫全書》同樣分為經、史、子、集四部，每部之下都有不同的類別，每類之下再有“屬”，共計44類66屬，基本上囊括了當時社會上流布的各種典籍與著述，被視為古代圖書乃至傳統文化的總匯。
成書之後，《四庫全書》被作為國家正統、民族根基的象徵，也成為了中國乃至東方讀書人安身立命夢寐以求的圭臬和後代王朝維繫統治宏揚大業的“傳國之寶”。謄繕七部分藏於紫禁城內的文淵閣、盛京（今瀋陽）宮內的文溯閣、北京圓明園的文源閣、河北承德避暑山莊的文津閣（此為北四閣，又稱為內廷四閣，僅供皇室閱覽）、揚州的文匯閣、鎮江的文宗閣、杭州的文瀾閣（又稱南三閣，允許文人入閣閱覽）。此後200多年間，《四庫全書》幾經戰亂，損毀嚴重，文源閣本、文宗閣本和文匯閣本已蕩然無存，只有文淵閣本、文津閣本、文溯閣本和文瀾閣本傳世至今。
時至今日，《四庫全書》的歷史與真正面目已經鮮有人能真正明曉。現代社會越來越快的生活節奏與典籍本身的古奧氣質阻隔了人們對於四庫典籍的探尋，傳統文化所蘊含的獨特精神氣質也往往被誤讀與忽略。
“四庫”之名，源于初唐，初唐官方藏書分為經、史、子、集四個書庫，號稱“四部庫書”，或“四庫之書”。承唐之傳統，《四庫全書》同樣分為經、史、子、集四部，每部之下都有不同的類別，每類之下再有“屬”，共計44類66屬，基本上囊括了當時社會上流布的各種典籍與著述，被視為古代圖書乃至傳統文化的總匯。
成書之後，《四庫全書》被作為國家正統、民族根基的象徵，也成為了中國乃至東方讀書人安身立命夢寐以求的圭臬和後代王朝維繫統治宏揚大業的“傳國之寶”。謄繕七部分藏於紫禁城內的文淵閣、盛京（今瀋陽）宮內的文溯閣、北京圓明園的文源閣、河北承德避暑山莊的文津閣（此為北四閣，又稱為內廷四閣，僅供皇室閱覽）、揚州的文匯閣、鎮江的文宗閣、杭州的文瀾閣（又稱南三閣，允許文人入閣閱覽）。此後200多年間，《四庫全書》幾經戰亂，損毀嚴重，文源閣本、文宗閣本和文匯閣本已蕩然無存，只有文淵閣本、文津閣本、文溯閣本和文瀾閣本傳世至今。
時至今日，《四庫全書》的歷史與真正面目已經鮮有人能真正明曉。現代社會越來越快的生活節奏與典籍本身的古奧氣質阻隔了人們對於四庫典籍的探尋，傳統文化所蘊含的獨特精神氣質也往往被誤讀與忽略。
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