https://fb.watch/mszooUe7Xe/
剪頭髮
2014年7月28日 星期一
郎咸平/王牧笛/王今：從亂局到變局，中國進入關鍵十年
郎咸平/王牧笛/王今：從亂局到變局，中國進入關鍵十年
中和出版
18開/繁體橫排/平裝/266頁
ISBN：9789888284351
香港星易公司
可郵寄外國
付款前，請先跟店主聯繫，謝謝！
Telegram / Signal / Whatsapp / Wechat：68793475
Email：xinyibooks@yahoo.com.hk
https://xinyibooks.blogspot.com/
中國經濟的根本問題是政府不甘心退出市場
李嘉誠帶走的只是資金，而中國最不缺的就是錢
如果不受政府管控，“餘額寶”們將對商業銀行造成致命打擊
中國新任政府接手的問題都是前人擱置的難題，矛盾甚至尖銳到眾人皆知、無法繼續擱置的地步。在改革的窗口期越來越狹窄的今天，政府已經到了拿起“手術刀”的最後關頭，退就是死。
本書共分四個部分：
第一部分 中國改革重裝上陣：“新型城鎮化”不是建新，而是補舊；預防腐敗的辦法是強化預算制度、公佈政府審批清單以及給市場放權；讓治霾成為考評政府的新標準；上海自貿區的職責應是利惠中國企業。
第二部分 經濟弊病無處遁形：中國樓市“不正常”；李嘉誠因在中國找不到更好的投資回報率而轉投歐洲；徵收房產稅既不合理也不合法；地下管網建設“亂到驚心動魄”。
第三部分 金融變局迫在眉睫：股市、保險業、國有銀行亂象叢生；民營銀行面臨多重危機；“餘額寶”讓金融界“地動山搖”。
第四部分 社會危機一觸即發：養老問題無路可走；中國乳業飽受詬病；疫苗產業鏈畸形；現行教育制度不可能實現“減負”。
作者簡介：
郎咸平（Larry Hsien Ping Lang），著名經濟學家。美國沃頓商學院博士，曾任沃頓商學院、密西根州立大學、俄亥俄州立大學、紐約大學和芝加哥大學教授。
王牧笛，廣東電視台製片人、主持人。畢業於北京大學，獲外交學碩士學位，法學、哲學雙學士學位。
王今，畢業於北京廣播學院新聞系。主任記者，廣東衛視“金話筒”節目主持人，全國百家節目主持人。作品連續十年獲全國新聞大獎。
李嘉誠帶走的只是資金，而中國最不缺的就是錢
如果不受政府管控，“餘額寶”們將對商業銀行造成致命打擊
中國新任政府接手的問題都是前人擱置的難題，矛盾甚至尖銳到眾人皆知、無法繼續擱置的地步。在改革的窗口期越來越狹窄的今天，政府已經到了拿起“手術刀”的最後關頭，退就是死。
本書共分四個部分：
第一部分 中國改革重裝上陣：“新型城鎮化”不是建新，而是補舊；預防腐敗的辦法是強化預算制度、公佈政府審批清單以及給市場放權；讓治霾成為考評政府的新標準；上海自貿區的職責應是利惠中國企業。
第二部分 經濟弊病無處遁形：中國樓市“不正常”；李嘉誠因在中國找不到更好的投資回報率而轉投歐洲；徵收房產稅既不合理也不合法；地下管網建設“亂到驚心動魄”。
第三部分 金融變局迫在眉睫：股市、保險業、國有銀行亂象叢生；民營銀行面臨多重危機；“餘額寶”讓金融界“地動山搖”。
第四部分 社會危機一觸即發：養老問題無路可走；中國乳業飽受詬病；疫苗產業鏈畸形；現行教育制度不可能實現“減負”。
作者簡介：
郎咸平（Larry Hsien Ping Lang），著名經濟學家。美國沃頓商學院博士，曾任沃頓商學院、密西根州立大學、俄亥俄州立大學、紐約大學和芝加哥大學教授。
王牧笛，廣東電視台製片人、主持人。畢業於北京大學，獲外交學碩士學位，法學、哲學雙學士學位。
王今，畢業於北京廣播學院新聞系。主任記者，廣東衛視“金話筒”節目主持人，全國百家節目主持人。作品連續十年獲全國新聞大獎。
2014年7月18日 星期五
廖雲釩：輕鬆自在玩催眠：學會身心靈健康的27堂課（附催眠CD）
廖雲釩：輕鬆自在玩催眠：學會身心靈健康的27堂課（附催眠CD）
姿霓出版
25開/繁體竪排/平裝/364頁
ISBN：9789868264601
香港星易公司
可郵寄外國
付款前，請先跟店主聯繫，謝謝！
Telegram / Signal / Whatsapp / Wechat：68793475
Email：xinyibooks@yahoo.com.hk
https://xinyibooks.blogspot.com/
附催眠CD 1碟
第二本書的書名終於確定了,居然是在半夜三點想到的書名,十分貼切書的內容.就是讓每一個人都可以充份的運用這本書,輕鬆的成為催眠大師.
簡單的二十七堂課中,不需要瞭解太多的催眠理論,也可以簡單又有效的靈活使用,無論是自我催眠還是催眠他人都可以喔!
前面的三章中,除了以淺顯易懂的文字介紹我對催眠的心得以外,也介紹了腦波儀運用及圖表資料的判讀與比對!
如何運用催眠輕易的就可以做引導,有了這本書,每一個人都可以簡單又靈活的運用各種不同的催眠引導,將催眠的神秘面紗逐步揭開,想到就有小小的興奮呢~~
潛水的你~可以說說~你想要閱讀怎樣的相關書籍嗎,有些人要我寫故事書~實例故事很多了,光網站上就五十多個,我個人比較想寫的是一些實用的心靈書,可以有些實例,也將心法與方法與大家分享.在此感謝為我寫推薦序的十五位催眠證照班學員,因為大家的支持與鼓勵,所以才能有現在的我呢!
推薦序
我於2003年開始陸續在工作室、救國團社會研究院、臺北醫學大學進修推廣部、國立台中護專，教授心靈管理及國際催眠師證照班培訓課程，也在2005年應邀到吉隆玻授課，學員們來自社會的各個階層。
他們將學習到的催眠及身心靈成長的心法與方法，靈活的運用在生活與專業之中，感謝參予國際催眠師證照班培訓課程其中十五位學員為這本書所寫的推薦序。
由異端到自由揮灑老師傳授的仙女棒
我是一個虔誠的天主教徒，“催眠”在我接觸之前，一位前輩弟兄告訴我，那是“異端”讓我不敢接觸它，這期間經過了不斷的祈禱，身、心、靈均承受了無數的磨難與考驗，在N次的九日敬禮中，天主啟示了羅馬書第十二章第二節，我才安心、放心的揮灑老師傳授的仙女棒，自助、助人。
自助：破除了我多年來超過十一點就睡不著，半夜醒來就無法再入睡的魔咒，學會了催眠，我可以隨時隨地自我催眠、不再因睡眠品質不佳影響健康及工作，這是我最大的收穫，也因學會了催眠，救了兩位家人的生命，家母說實在值得。
助人：在醫院幫助開刀後胃口不佳的病人恢復食欲、不再靠打點滴補充體力、早日出院、幫人事小姐找尋遺失的檔、幫助同事和已亡的妹妹聯繫……等
“催眠”就像老師所說的，每個人都可以學習，但我覺得找到好的啟蒙師才重要，很感謝主讓我與老師結緣，（p.s結訓日是94年12月25日耶誕節，很巧妙！）結訓時，我給自己100分、老師200分，老師教我們百般武藝（不只十八般），我只用了一招半式就救了一些迷途的羔羊回到主的羊棧，我們在世上累積的財富帶不走，但是在世上幫助需要幫助的人，可以累積天堂的財富，感
謝 老師讓我有機會累積天堂的財富。
老師不只催眠技巧高人一等，最難能可貴的是提供回訓的機會，讓所有的學員在每次的回訓中學到不一樣和最新的技巧，同學中又可以互相分享彼此的心得，真是美好的時光，每次我們都相約、期待下次再相聚。
宏仁醫院 藥局主任 蔡錦淑
健康催眠是無負擔的身心靈健康食品
因學習催眠而認識 廖 老師已有多年，在我眼中，她一直是個“奇女子”。
線條柔軟的臉上，靈動的雙眸總帶著堅定有力的目光，一如她溫柔待人，又剛毅處世的性格。在個案眼中是個情感豐富，聲音柔軟的催眠師。在催眠界裡，卻是個不畏批評的“叛逆者”｜｜ 她將宗教與new age的概念帶入催眠中，發展出各式各樣的催眠手法，來協助多元世界裡，形形色色的心靈苦楚。
戲劇或小說裡誇張的情節，舞臺上大肢體動作的催眠秀，讓很多人對催眠有了誤解，以為催眠是有點危險的，以為當事人是無意識地受到控制。事實上，被催眠的人是十分清醒的，透過催眠師的放鬆引導，進入潛意識裡，開放地釋出潛藏的心理障礙，而能讓催眠師進一步地“除障”，並藉由催眠指令，在潛意識裡埋下正向的意念。
現實生活裡，各種因素而來的壓力，已經衍生出愈來愈多，也愈來愈複雜的“文明病”，而催眠在此扮演的角色並非藥物， 廖 老師多年來辛苦耕耘“健康催眠”，這正是無負擔的身心靈“健康食品”。
很開心 廖 老師新書的出版，相信將有很多人在這本書的協助下，為自己的身心靈植入健康的種子，讓喜樂在生活中歡欣地發芽。
Joanna Wang
多年靈修而從事身心靈協助工作（花精&芳療，催眠，塔羅占卜，生命靈數解讀）
工作室：Joanna Wang生命靈數 塔羅牌占
揭開讓心病藥到病除，豁然開朗的神奇
帶著好奇且興奮的心情，在一年前參加了 廖雲釩 老師所開的“國際催眠師培訓班”，在真正瞭解催眠的技巧及功用之後，終於瞭解催眠並非像變魔術般的隨意控制他人的思想及行動，而是用來引導個案解決問題的一種方法。
透過課程的進行，我對催眠的疑惑逐漸解開，也真正見識到催眠解決個案問題的能力如此強大。透過催眠也讓我自己更加認識自己，改善了自己原本有點自閉的個性，體會如何用心的去與人互動、和家人相處。
學習催眠課程，除了對自已有所幫助之外，對於常處於負面思想、彷徨無助的人來說，催眠更是一帖心病的藥引，若再加入NLP心法，就可讓心病藥到病除，豁然開朗。
在本書中， 廖 老師透過豐富的個案輔導及教學上的經驗，以生動活潑的筆法，介紹許多催眠方法實際的運用。無論你是想瞭解催眠是什麼，或是想成為一位催眠師，或者你已經學過一些催眠課程，本書都很適合。
相較於坊間動輒數萬元的各種心靈成長課程，本書絕對值得對生命成長及催眠有興趣的讀者來收藏。如果對催眠想再更深入的研究，便可找一些進階的催眠課程，真實體會老師在課堂中傳授的各式技巧，相信你一定能夠成為一位助人助己的優秀催眠師。
新希望催眠工作坊負責人 羅茂誠
體驗超時空之旅
回想從小到大，上過的課不計其數，但真正能在自己腦海中留下深刻印象的並不多，又能讓自己覺得有趣且充滿好奇（驚奇）的更是少之又少，而
廖雲釩 老 師 教授的催眠課就是其中之一。
有別于傳統填鴨、注重學理及單向的教學方式， 廖 老師融合各項所學與個案經驗，以最淺顯易懂、生動活潑的方式，透過腦力激蕩與實地演練，讓原來對於催眠一知半解卻充滿好奇的學員，在短短的數天中，即得以一探催眠世界的奧秘。
其實很難想像，竟然有一種課能讓自己從早上到晚都不覺得累，甚至有時覺得愈上精神愈好，且不需要死記就能輕鬆學會。
廖老師總能以各種不同的方式讓學員們自然而然學會催眠，在學習的過程中，自己所獲得的往往遠超出自己原想要的。
學員間的意見交流、心得分享與相互學習，是催眠課程中不可或缺的一環，這使得課程更加豐富、有趣！由於每一位學員都有不同的生活背景、特色與感知能力，這也使得每一堂課都精采可期。
藉由這本書的出版，能讓每個人都有機會來一趟可遇而不可求的超時空之旅，處處充滿讚歎與驚奇。想要體驗一下嗎？相信您會不虛此行！
法官助理 Younver
一場美麗的領悟
沒有人可以給你“經歷”，唯有自己“身入其境”才能真正的瞭解，而“催眠”正是這樣的一門課。至於我，一切該說是緣起於“好奇”吧！它是一股原動力，驅使我去尋找許多相關的資料，只是這並未替我解惑，反而更讓我置身於迷霧中。
身為藥師，我不明白為何“催眠”能以“童年回溯”來改變既已發生的過往，甚至能探訪“前世生命記憶”，這衝擊著我的所學以及認知，而且資料中顯示，已有一些醫生將催眠用於戒煙、肥胖、憂鬱……等心因性疾病的輔助治療，這真的引起我很大的學習興趣，當然也因為它，進而帶給我很大的心境轉變。（對此，得由衷的感謝 廖雲釩
老師在催眠上的授業與解惑。）
我開始懂得“愛”不只是對人更要對己，“自信”不是用鑽石、名牌或者是財富來自我衡量，而是用“內心”。也明白了走過的路不論過程如何，都是一種“學習”，一種“成長”，學習到的心得才是這趟旅程中最重要的生命記憶。漸漸的我發現了，用心留意就能獲得的美，是很簡單也很平凡就能唾手可得的。
因為萬物的“變”，造就了它的美，而人們的“緣”，豐富了路上的甜。
如果問催眠讓我真正學習到什麼，那麼應該是對生命的珍愛，以及學習用更開放謙卑的心來面對萬物的一切吧！願大家都能發現並珍惜平凡中的美。
而現在很高興能有個專業的良師，出了這樣一本實用的好書，相信不僅能解除大家對“催眠”的疑惑，更能幫助大家開啟另一扇通往靈性的大門。
藥師 林盈秀
跨越時空的知性之旅，保證讓你處處驚奇
對這個世界的好奇心，從來沒有停止過，我不斷在尋找能夠好好解釋一切的真理。從哲學中追尋，在宗教中探索，都沒找到答案，直到上了
廖雲釩 老師的課，才有“喔！原來如此”的通透。
我 從廖 老師身上學到的不只是形式上的技法，還有“催眠”的精神與內涵。過去學習的片片斷斷被“催眠”串連起來，而這條串聯的鋼線像利刃，斬除原本認知的世界的框架，讓我得以窺知另一個更寬廣的宇宙。
近年來奇幻文學、電影大受歡迎，還有追求身心靈平衡的風潮興起，顯示了人類想突破物質世界的意圖，並且再度對靈魂議題產生關注。今年五月，國立陽明大學研發出用腦中的α波做成“意念開關”，用來啟動電器。這項新產品以實物來體現只在科幻小說中才可能出現的情節。這股“沛然莫之能禦”的潮流，讓舊思維不斷受到挑戰，人類對心靈和意念的認知，將進入全新的紀元。而“催眠”恰好是最容易學會、又能快速突破現狀的法門。
這本書是她將多年的潛心研究，加上個案實務經驗一起濃縮而成的精華，讀完之後就像吃了人參果，會通體舒暢、功力大增。這本書是一道門，打開了這扇門，就看得見通往“新(心)世界”的路。這趟跨越時空的知性之旅，保證讓你處處驚奇，一新耳目，大喊不虛此行！還等什麼？趕快出發吧！
國中英語教師 陳香吟
騎在大象的背上看世界
當自己的心無法理解什麼是真實，什麼是虛幻時，就無法如實的理解“催眠”，就像每天生活在自己都分不清真假虛幻的大千世界裡，自己執著的是“對”還是“錯”呢？｜｜有效比真實重要。
廖雲釩老 師 教授快速有效的技巧，透過“催眠”讓有心的人視野更加的開闊，如果你想要重整自己的“思想藍圖”，你可以去體驗這本書的27堂課會給你帶來什麼，用更寬闊不執著而信任的心去瞭解這些接觸“催眠”的人，他們得到了什麼。
這本書會帶著你更加認識及瞭解“催眠”。你將得以成為一個“騎在大象的背上看世界”的人。
中華民國華人身心靈關懷交流協會秘書長
傳銷業直銷商陳保榮
一本創造美好平衡的身心靈生活的專業催眠好書
很高興 廖雲釩 老師將她多年來在催眠領域研究的部分技巧撰寫成此書，讓一些不懂催眠的人能快速入門，更可以讓已經接觸這門學術的人有更上層樓的機會。
我從事教育訓練及諮商工作多年，在這個領域常接觸到一些因感情受挫、事業失敗、人生常年低潮、財務困窘多時、內心長期飽受煎熬的個案。當其精神狀況已達臨界點時，我即使能透過各種諮商的技巧直指其心中事，針砭其心態行為上的盲點，促使其當下痛定思痛下定決心改變行為從新出發，惟常事隔多日後，又舊態複萌。
為了能讓個案及學生的狀況能有更多的進展，我一直不斷地增加自我的本質學能，也一直尋找有效的諮商工具。
前年底，我參加由臺北醫學大學開辦， 廖雲釩 老 師 教授連續七天的國際催眠培訓課程中，讓我大開眼界。
諸如童年及前世回溯、靈界通訊、時空之旅……這些原本屬於怪力亂神又異想天開之事，卻是如此真實地呈現在眼前。
我親身體驗了利用催眠來改善現代醫學束手無策的各種身、心、靈疾病，其效果極為宏大，不得不讓我相信潛意識世界的真實性。
我拜讀了本書後，深深覺得這是一本有深度、創意的實用書，願推薦給各位一睹為快，相信讀後必能豐富自己，創造美好平衡的身心靈生活。
中華民國人相學會總會理事
文化大學進修推廣部識人煉金術講師 郭建良
以楞嚴經第九卷色陰區宇解釋催眠
上完 廖雲釩 老師的專業催眠師培訓及進階課程後，發現楞嚴經中色陰區宇的禪定狀況與催眠所經歷的情形類似。
楞嚴經將證得空性前，禪定的進步情形分為色受想行識五陰區宇五個階段。其中色陰區宇的十種禪那現境是可以藉由催眠而進入的。
1. 身能出礙。（進入時光隧道）
2. 於其身內，拾出蟯蛔。（請出身上病處的冤親債主來溝通）
3. 忽於空中聞說法聲。（聽見歌聲在耳邊響起）
4. 忽見毗盧遮那，踞天光台，千佛圍繞。（看見極樂淨土）
5. 十方虛空，成七寶色。（看見宇宙靈光並吸收能量）
6. 在暗室內，見種種物。（閉眼而見前世或今生屋內擺設）
7. 火燒刀斫，曾無所覺。（催眠止痛）
8. 下見地獄，上觀天宮。（看見六道眾生，甚至遊歷地獄天宮）
9. 遙見遠方市井街巷，親族眷屬。（看見親人所在）
10. 見善知識，形體變移。（體會親友的心，與他的靈魂溝通）
經言：如是十種禪那現境，皆是色陰用心交互，暫得如是，非為聖證。不作聖心，名善境界。若作聖解，即受群邪。
經言：如是十種禪那現境，皆是色陰用心交互，暫得如是，非為聖證。不作聖心，名善境界。若作聖解，即受群邪。
所以催眠可以帶修行人進入色陰區宇的禪定，而後修觀想念佛及密宗可以迅速達到像的相應。由此繼續進修，到達受陰區宇後才可感受心的相應。最後突破五陰區宇得證聖心空性。
今人工作壓力大時間長，修行相應很難。藉由催眠突破凡夫地，而以色陰區宇的禪定功夫起修，將是方便法門。
希望更多行者藉由 廖雲釩 老 師所 教授的健康催眠，學會宗教禪修催眠，更能起而修行，突破輪回桎梏。
一個業餘催眠師
署立桃園醫院 腫瘤科主任 陳斯榮 醫師
意念的河流
幾年前就有朋友特地告訴我有關於催眠的神奇經驗，並鼓勵我去體驗，改善當時對生活感到索然無味的憂鬱焦慮。那個時候，雖想做些改變，卻也意興闌珊，一直沒有付諸行動。後來，久未碰面的同學偶然間提到催眠，時值為了某些事而受焦慮症狀反覆困擾的我，聯絡了
廖雲釩 老師，沒想到就是多年前朋友推薦的 廖 老師。也許，果真是在適當的時間會有適當的安排。在與老師接觸之後，又毅然決然的投入時間精神跟隨 廖 老師學習，經過一段全心全力參與的過程後，竟覺恍若新生。
催眠，一個一般人認為是神秘領域的名詞，究竟神不神秘？在 廖 老師的教導下，方才瞭解。原來，她是個人人具有的天賦，是一種與生俱來的能力。人的潛意識像是一塊晶片，被植入的記憶只是深埋在晶片的某個區塊，這個記憶體中的檔案，是可以被喚醒的，也可以不斷的寫入新的內容。而催眠，就像是一個意念的引導，像是一把鑰匙，開啟了意識之門，將一切因緣果報做了善意的連結；又像是一條緩緩的河流，將抑鬱、焦慮、壓力等負面情緒，導向平和、喜悅，壓力獲得釋放，心情豁然開朗；也像是一道光，注入了更多正面的能量。
現代人，不經意的在心靈裡累積了過多的負面情緒，恐懼、悲傷、憂慮、焦躁、憤怒、嫉妒……等等，反覆滾動成巨大的壓力，在體內四處流竄，降低了身體的免疫力，破壞自然防禦的免疫系統，出現各種病痛。更糟糕的是，大部分人都渾然不知自己的心裡、身體裡，竟然存在這麼多的毒素。催眠，便是紓解這些莫名壓力的一帖良方，它幫助人全然的放鬆，獲得與心對話的空間，説明人找到問題，進而面對問題。
催眠早已在生活中俯拾即得，何不學習運用這愛與善的本能，讓它成為愛與善的意念，在身體中流動，舒緩壓力，為自己增添更多的生活能量，也為心靈和身體帶來健康！
文字工作者 杜文靖
當命運的音符響起
你不是每天都可以碰到那麼好的事！
從前，我對“催眠”是很敬畏的，總覺得那是種可隨意控制他人，而被控制者渾然不覺的邪術，並認為自己這輩子都會跟催眠絕緣。
命運第一次來敲門，是妻對於前世回溯熱潮產生興趣，兩人懷抱著前世今生的鴛鴦蝴蝶夢和銀子，踏進老師當時位於板橋的工作室，老師輕鬆而生動活潑的解說，緩和了不少緊張的情緒。妻和我先後體驗了催眠，訝然於我們並不是在失去知覺（睡著）的情形下接受指令，而是在全程清醒的情況下體驗到催眠的巧妙。
命運接下來就像貝多芬的樂曲一樣，“登登登登！”的連續敲了下來，因為我們在結束三次催眠體驗後（我好像還保留一次體驗機會），花了好幾個月，參加老師工作室開的初階及中階課程，透過實地體驗及操作，使我們逐漸揭開催眠的神秘面紗，並建立起正面的心靈能量。催眠，實際上只是和自己內在對話的工具而已。
不久前，老師才出了一本《末那催眠》，沒想到她老人家不動則已，一動就是和盤托出！
這二十七堂課的份量遠超過許多催眠教材，更可貴的是，老師提供了不少引導詞稿，這可是難得的“業務機密”喔！
看到老師決定出版此書，真令學生又驚又喜。驚的是，此舉足證老師的功力早已超出當年甚多，令學生瞠乎其後！喜的是，本書無論對好奇者、初學者或行家，皆是值得參考的好書，也是當年學習時無緣覓得的優質教材。
你不是每天都可以碰到那麼好的事，當命運的音符響起，聰明如你，該如何抉擇呢？
中華華人身心靈關懷交流協會理事
執業律師 王鳳山
學習快速有效的催眠術
當初會到北醫大進修推廣部跟 廖雲釩 老師學催眠純粹是出於好奇。
探索生命的目的是我追尋多年而始終找不到答案的問題。個人一向認為：“生命如果沒有目的，生活也就沒有意義。”
廖老師在上第一堂課時說：“催眠是清醒中的覺察，開啟進入另一時空的門。”這句話給了我很大的想像空間，我當時心想：太好了，說不定從催眠中我可以找到答案，於是我就很用心的跟著 廖 老師學習“催眠術”。
在學習過程中， 廖 老師說過許多讓我至今印象深刻的話！
其中一句是：“學習催眠技巧的目的是在説明個案發現問題，從而解決問題。重要的是有沒有效！”能解決問題就是有效，有效而又沒有任何不良後遺症的方法，就是對的方法，就是好的方法。
人生真是一趟學習的旅程，過去的種種都是為了成就未來。
催眠是一門“易學難精”的課程，個人預感此番學習催眠的經驗，往後一定有某種意義及目的存在。
坊間教催眠術的老師很多， 廖雲釩 老師的教學方法，我個人認為很活潑、快速且有效。
曾任：行政院飛安委員會主任調查官 戴慶吉
提供一個更舒適柔軟的空間，更美好的明天
在這個高科技的社會中，每個人的生活步調愈來愈快，儘管能夠抽出時間做運動讓身體健康，但是，靜下來想一想，您是否也關心到您的心靈、您的潛意識？您可曾知道，心靈的健康和身體健康同等重要，且息息相關。在催眠的過程中，能夠引領您與您的潛意識溝通，取得身心和諧，達到身心一致的釋放與快樂。
這本書將帶給您一個新的體認，為您長久的困惑取得解答，告訴您，您心中存有的負面感受、情緒，其實是有一個更容易的化解方法，那就是“催眠”。
廖雲釩老師集合多年的個案經驗，加上宗教信念的多元引導，成功地幫助許許多多的人找回心靈釋放的笑容。這本書將為您的心靈提供一個更舒適柔軟的空間，更美好的明天。
美國IIAS國際應用科學學院藝術分析教育師 吳蕙蘭
美國IIAS國際應用科學學院兒童智慧發展研究所研究員
臺灣適性發展促進會智慧發展評量高階分析師
催眠看似真神秘、宇宙能量光和體、二十七堂傳心意、學習催眠看這裡
對於催眠相當好奇的我，學習了 廖雲釩 老 師 教授的催眠課程初階班，已經讓我感覺到不可思議了，而在中階班課程裡更讓我體會到宇宙能量是如此浩瀚！就像是老師書中所寫的：催眠是如此的簡單易學，卻又深不可測，變化無窮，蘊含著無比的威力。
自序 盡力隨緣、輕鬆自在
前言 優質催眠讓你身心靈都健康
第一章 解「毒」催眠的疑惑
催眠是什麼？
催眠其實已經存在於你的生活之中
催眠不僅是讓你睡著
催眠是一連串的同意
你常常被催眠而不自知
善用催眠可以協助生活愉悅、身心靈都健康
催眠中的體驗各不相同
學習催眠前後認知大不同
讓自己健康的催眠引導，可以很簡單！
說說話就可以進入催眠
每個人都可以學習催眠
想讓生命活得更美好的人，都應該學習正確的催眠技巧
第二章 從腦波解讀催眠中的身心靈
認識催眠的六級深度
催眠深度並不是絕對的需要
觀察腦波可以去除催眠敏感度測試的迷失
觀察腦波狀態，可以瞭解意識與潛意識的運作
腦波就是我們大腦電流脈沖譜出的樂章
易產生α波及不易產生α波的腦波比對實驗步驟
各種腦波圖表分析
第三章 會呼吸就可以玩催眠
催眠時的注意事項
會呼吸就可以自我催眠，會說話，就可以引導他人進入催眠
催眠別人
集體催眠
第四章 一定可以學會的27堂心靈魔法課
1培養專注力
2 快速集中注意力的方法
3 5分鐘快速補充精神與活力
4 催眠讓你夜夜好夢
5 日日安眠的催眠法
6 告別菸癮
7 窈窕身材的催眠減重法
8 紓解壓力
9 轉化恐懼為力量
10 淡忘失戀的催眠法
11 創造無形的財富
12 吸引金錢能量的催眠法
13 增強自癒力、身體健康
14 開啟人體的七個能量中心
15 聯結宇宙能量導引
16 童年回溯催眠法
17 前世生命回溯法
18 開運造命法
19 重塑生命藍圖
20 引見指導靈
21 創造神奇生命顧問
22 探訪生命圖書館
23 內在心靈花園
24 藥師佛菩薩消災解疾法
25 觀音甘露普降法
26 探訪死去親人──觀落陰
27 探訪天堂極樂世界
2013年9月23日 星期一
貝拉克．奧巴馬/劉津：跟美國總統學英語Great Speeches
貝拉克．奧巴馬/劉津：跟美國總統學英語Great Speeches
中國發展出版
468頁/英文橫排/平裝/25開
ISBN：9787802348639
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可郵寄外國
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《Great Speeches:跟美國總統學英語》內容簡介：From George Washington to Barack Obama, Presidents have used inaugural
addresses to articulate their hopes and dreams for a nation.Collectively, these
addresses chronicle the course of this country from its earliest days to the
present.
Inaugural addresses have taken various tones, themes and forms. Some have been reflective and instructive, while others have sought to challenge and inspire. Washington’s second inaugural address on March 4, 1793 required only 135 words and is the shortest ever given. The longest on record—8495 words—was delivered in a snowstorm March 4, 1841 by William Henry Harrison.
Invoking a spirit of both history and patriotism, inaugural addresses have served to reaffirm the liberties and freedoms that mark our remarkable system of government. Many memorable and inspiring passages have originated from these addresses.
This collection includes the great inaugural addresses of 38 presidents of the United States. It is our hope that this volume will serve as an important and valuable reference for historians, scholars and English learners.
Inaugural addresses have taken various tones, themes and forms. Some have been reflective and instructive, while others have sought to challenge and inspire. Washington’s second inaugural address on March 4, 1793 required only 135 words and is the shortest ever given. The longest on record—8495 words—was delivered in a snowstorm March 4, 1841 by William Henry Harrison.
Invoking a spirit of both history and patriotism, inaugural addresses have served to reaffirm the liberties and freedoms that mark our remarkable system of government. Many memorable and inspiring passages have originated from these addresses.
This collection includes the great inaugural addresses of 38 presidents of the United States. It is our hope that this volume will serve as an important and valuable reference for historians, scholars and English learners.
編輯推薦
《Great
Speeches:跟美國總統學英語》是美國38位總統的就職演說集，免費下載對應的原聲錄音與外教朗讀，是英語學習者極有價值的讀物。通過從喬治•華盛頓到貝拉克•奧巴馬總統的演說中，讀者也可以更好地瞭解美國各個階段的政治、經濟與歷史文化。
作者簡介
作者：（美國）貝拉克•奧巴馬 等 譯者：劉津
目錄
01 George Washington (1789-1797)
First Inaugural Address 1
Second Inaugural Address 6
02 John Adams (1797-1801)
Inaugural Address 7
03 Thomas Jefferson (1801-1809)
First Inaugural Address 15
Second Inaugural Address 20
04 James Madison (1809-1817)
First Inaugural Address 28
Second Inaugural Address 32
05 James Monroe (1817-1825)
First Inaugural Address 36
Second Inaugural Address 46
06 John Quincy Adams (1825-1829)
Inaugural Address 60
07 Andrew Jackson (1829-1837)
First Inaugural Address 70
Second Inaugural Address 74
08 Martin Van Buren (1837-1841)
Inaugural Address 78
09 William Henry Harrison (1841)
Inaugural Address 90
10 James Knox Polk (1845-1849)
Inaugural Address 115
11 Zachary Taylor (1849-1850)
Inaugural Address 130
12 Franklin Pierce (1853-1857)
Inaugural Address 134
13 James Buchanan (1857-1861)
Inaugural Address 145
14 Abraham Lincoln (1861-1865)
First Inaugural Address 154
Second Inaugural Address 165
15 Ulysses S. Grant (1869-1877)
First Inaugural Address 168
Second Inaugural Address 172
16 Rutherford B. Hayes (1877-1881)
Inaugural Address 177
17 James A. Garfield (1881)
Inaugural Address 186
18 Benjamin Harrison (1889-1893)
Inaugural Address 196
19 Grover Cleveland (1893-1897)
First Inaugural Address 210
Second Inaugural Address 215
20 William McKinley (1897-1901)
First Inaugural Address 223
Second Inaugural Address 235
21 Theodore Roosevelt (1901-1909)
Inaugural Address 242
22 William Howard Taft (1909-1913)
Inaugural Address 246
23 Woodrow Wilson (1913-1921)
First Inaugural Address 263
Second Inaugural Address 268
24 Warren G. Harding (1921-1923)
Inaugural Address 273
25 Calvin Coolidge (1923-1929)
Inaugural Address 284
26 Herbert Hoover (1929-1933)
Inaugural Address 296
27 Franklin D. Roosevelt (1933-1945)
First Inaugural Address 309
Second Inaugural Address 315
Third Inaugural Address 320
Fourth Inaugural Address 325
28 Harry S. Truman (1945-1953)
Inaugural Address 327
29 Dwight D. Eisenhower (1953-1961)
First Inaugural Address 335
Second Inaugural Address 342
30 John F. Kennedy (1961-1963)
Inaugural Address 348
31 Lyndon Baines Johnson (1963-1969)
Inaugural Address 353
32 Richard Milhous Nixon (1969-1974)
First Inaugural Address 359
Second Inaugural Address 366
33 Jimmy Carter (1977-1981)
Inaugural Address 372
34 Ronald Reagan (1981-1989)
First Inaugural Address 377
Second Inaugural Address 384
35 George Bush (1989-1993)
Inaugural Address 393
36 Bill Clinton (1993-2001)
First Inaugural Address 400
Second Inaugural Address 405
37 George W. Bush (2001-2009)
First Inaugural Address 412
Second Inaugural Address 418
38 Barack Obama (2009- )
First Inaugural Address 425
Second Inaugural Address 432
First Inaugural Address 1
Second Inaugural Address 6
02 John Adams (1797-1801)
Inaugural Address 7
03 Thomas Jefferson (1801-1809)
First Inaugural Address 15
Second Inaugural Address 20
04 James Madison (1809-1817)
First Inaugural Address 28
Second Inaugural Address 32
05 James Monroe (1817-1825)
First Inaugural Address 36
Second Inaugural Address 46
06 John Quincy Adams (1825-1829)
Inaugural Address 60
07 Andrew Jackson (1829-1837)
First Inaugural Address 70
Second Inaugural Address 74
08 Martin Van Buren (1837-1841)
Inaugural Address 78
09 William Henry Harrison (1841)
Inaugural Address 90
10 James Knox Polk (1845-1849)
Inaugural Address 115
11 Zachary Taylor (1849-1850)
Inaugural Address 130
12 Franklin Pierce (1853-1857)
Inaugural Address 134
13 James Buchanan (1857-1861)
Inaugural Address 145
14 Abraham Lincoln (1861-1865)
First Inaugural Address 154
Second Inaugural Address 165
15 Ulysses S. Grant (1869-1877)
First Inaugural Address 168
Second Inaugural Address 172
16 Rutherford B. Hayes (1877-1881)
Inaugural Address 177
17 James A. Garfield (1881)
Inaugural Address 186
18 Benjamin Harrison (1889-1893)
Inaugural Address 196
19 Grover Cleveland (1893-1897)
First Inaugural Address 210
Second Inaugural Address 215
20 William McKinley (1897-1901)
First Inaugural Address 223
Second Inaugural Address 235
21 Theodore Roosevelt (1901-1909)
Inaugural Address 242
22 William Howard Taft (1909-1913)
Inaugural Address 246
23 Woodrow Wilson (1913-1921)
First Inaugural Address 263
Second Inaugural Address 268
24 Warren G. Harding (1921-1923)
Inaugural Address 273
25 Calvin Coolidge (1923-1929)
Inaugural Address 284
26 Herbert Hoover (1929-1933)
Inaugural Address 296
27 Franklin D. Roosevelt (1933-1945)
First Inaugural Address 309
Second Inaugural Address 315
Third Inaugural Address 320
Fourth Inaugural Address 325
28 Harry S. Truman (1945-1953)
Inaugural Address 327
29 Dwight D. Eisenhower (1953-1961)
First Inaugural Address 335
Second Inaugural Address 342
30 John F. Kennedy (1961-1963)
Inaugural Address 348
31 Lyndon Baines Johnson (1963-1969)
Inaugural Address 353
32 Richard Milhous Nixon (1969-1974)
First Inaugural Address 359
Second Inaugural Address 366
33 Jimmy Carter (1977-1981)
Inaugural Address 372
34 Ronald Reagan (1981-1989)
First Inaugural Address 377
Second Inaugural Address 384
35 George Bush (1989-1993)
Inaugural Address 393
36 Bill Clinton (1993-2001)
First Inaugural Address 400
Second Inaugural Address 405
37 George W. Bush (2001-2009)
First Inaugural Address 412
Second Inaugural Address 418
38 Barack Obama (2009- )
First Inaugural Address 425
Second Inaugural Address 432
序言
From George Washington to Barack Obama,
Presidents have used inaugural addresses to articulate their hopes and dreams
for a nation. Collectively, these addresses chronicle the course of this
country from its earliest days to the present.
Inaugural addresses have taken various tones, themes and forms. Some have been reflective and instructive, while others have sought to challenge and inspire. Washington’s second inaugural address on March 4, 1793 required only 135 words and is the shortest ever given. The longest on record—8,495 words—was delivered in a snowstorm March 4, 1841 by William Henry Harrison.
Invoking a spirit of both history and patriotism, inaugural addresses have served to reaffirm the liberties and freedoms that mark our remarkable system of government. Many memorable and inspiring passages have originated from these addresses. Among the best known are Washington’s pledge in 1789 to protect the new nation’s “liberties and freedoms” under “a government instituted by themselves,” Abraham Lincoln’s
plea to a nation divided by Civil War to heal “with malice toward none, with charity toward all,”Franklin D. Roosevelt’s declaration “that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself,” and John F. Kennedy’s exhortation to “ask not what your country can do for you—ask what you can do for your country.”
This collection is being published in commemoration of the Bicentennial Presidential Inauguration that was observed on January 20, 1989. Dedicated to the institution of the Presidency and the democratic process that represents the peaceful and orderly transfer of power according to the will of the people, it is our hope that this volume will serve as an important and valuable reference for historians, scholars and the English learners.
Inaugural addresses have taken various tones, themes and forms. Some have been reflective and instructive, while others have sought to challenge and inspire. Washington’s second inaugural address on March 4, 1793 required only 135 words and is the shortest ever given. The longest on record—8,495 words—was delivered in a snowstorm March 4, 1841 by William Henry Harrison.
Invoking a spirit of both history and patriotism, inaugural addresses have served to reaffirm the liberties and freedoms that mark our remarkable system of government. Many memorable and inspiring passages have originated from these addresses. Among the best known are Washington’s pledge in 1789 to protect the new nation’s “liberties and freedoms” under “a government instituted by themselves,” Abraham Lincoln’s
plea to a nation divided by Civil War to heal “with malice toward none, with charity toward all,”Franklin D. Roosevelt’s declaration “that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself,” and John F. Kennedy’s exhortation to “ask not what your country can do for you—ask what you can do for your country.”
This collection is being published in commemoration of the Bicentennial Presidential Inauguration that was observed on January 20, 1989. Dedicated to the institution of the Presidency and the democratic process that represents the peaceful and orderly transfer of power according to the will of the people, it is our hope that this volume will serve as an important and valuable reference for historians, scholars and the English learners.
文摘
Barack Obama
First Inaugural Address
Tuesday, January 20, 2009
[Barack Obama was inaugurated as the 44th President of the United States— becoming the first African American to serve in that office—on January 20, 2009.
The son of a white American mother and a black Kenyan father, Obama grew up in Hawaii. Leaving the state to attend college, he earned degrees from Columbia University and Harvard Law School. Obama worked as a community organizer in Chicago, where he met and married Michelle LaVaughn Robinson in 1992. Their two daughters, Malia Ann and Natasha (Sasha) were born in 1998 and 2001, respectively. Obama was elected to the Illinois state senate in 1996 and served there for eight years. In 2004, he was elected by a record majority to the U.S. Senate from Illinois and, in February 2007, announced his candidacy for President. After winning a closely-fought contest against New York Senator and former First Lady Hillary Rodham Clinton for the Democratic nomination, Obama handily defeated Senator John McCain of Arizona, the Republican nominee for President, in the general election.
When President Obama took office, he faced very significant challenges. The economy was officially in a recession, and the outgoing administration of George W. Bush had begun to implement a controversial “bail-out” package to try to help struggling financial institutions. In foreign affairs, the United States still had troops deployed in Iraq and Afghanistan, and warfare had broken out between Israel and Hamas in the Gaza Strip, illustrating the ongoing instability of the Middle East.]
My Fellow Citizens:
I stand here today humbled by the task before us, grateful for the trust you have bestowed, mindful of the sacrifices borne by our ancestors. I thank President Bush for his service to our nation, as well as the generosity and cooperation he has shown throughout this transition.
Forty-four Americans have now taken the presidential oath. The words have been spoken during rising tides of prosperity and the still waters of peace. Yet, every so often the oath is taken amidst gathering clouds and raging storms. At these moments, America has carried on not simply because of the skill or vision of those in high office, but because We the People have remained faithful to the ideals of our forbearers, and true to our founding documents. So it has been. So it must be with this generation of Americans.
That we are in the midst of crisis is now well understood. Our nation is at war, against a far-reaching network of violence and hatred. Our economy is badly weakened, a consequence of greed and irresponsibility on the part of some, but also our collective
failure to make hard choices and prepare the nation for a new age. Homes have been lost; jobs shed; businesses shuttered. Our health care is too costly; our schools fail too many; and each day brings further evidence that the ways we use energy strengthen our
adversaries and threaten our planet.
These are the indicators of crisis, subject to data and statistics. Less measurable but no less profound is a sapping of confidence across our land—a nagging fear that America’s decline is inevitable, that the next generation must lower its sights.
Today I say to you that the challenges we face are real. They are serious and they are many. They will not be met easily or in a short span of time. But know this, America—they will be met.
On this day, we gather because we have chosen hope over fear, unity of purpose over conflict and discord.
On this day, we come to proclaim an end to the petty grievances and false promises, the recriminations and worn-out dogmas that for far too long have strangled our politics.
We remain a young nation, but in the words of Scripture, the time has come to set aside childish things. The time has come to reaffirm our enduring spirit; to choose our better history; to carry forward that precious gift, that noble idea, passed on from generation to generation: the God-given promise that all are equal, all are free, and all deserve a chance to pursue their full measure of happiness.
In reaffirming the greatness of our nation, we understand that greatness is never a given. It must be earned. Our journey has never been one of shortcuts or settling for less. It has not been the path for the faint-hearted—for those who prefer leisure over work, or seek only the pleasures of riches and fame. Rather, it has been the risk-takers, the doers, the makers of things—some celebrated but more often men and women obscure in their labor, who have carried us up the long, rugged path towards prosperity and freedom.
For us, they packed up their few worldly possessions and traveled across oceans in search of a new life.
For us, they toiled in sweatshops and settled the West; endured the lash of the whip and plowed the hard earth.
For us, they fought and died, in places like Concord and Gettysburg; Normandy and Khe Sahn.
Time and again these men and women struggled and sacrificed and worked till their hands were raw so that we might live a better life. They saw America as bigger than the sum of our individual ambitions; greater than all the differences of birth or wealth or faction.
This is the journey we continue today. We remain the most prosperous, powerful nation on Earth. Our workers are no less productive than when this crisis began. Our minds are no less inventive, our goods and services no less needed than they were last week or last month or last year. Our capacity remains undiminished. But our time of standing pat, of protecting narrow interests and putting off unpleasant decisions—that time has surely passed. Starting today, we must pick ourselves up, dust ourselves off, and begin again the work of remaking America.
For everywhere we look, there is work to be done. The state of our economy calls for action, bold and swift, and we will act—not only to create new jobs, but to lay a new foundation for growth. We will build the roads and bridges, the electric grids and digital lines that feed our commerce and bind us together. We will restore science to its rightful place, and wield technology’s wonders to raise health care’s quality and lower its cost. We will harness the sun and the winds and the soil to fuel our cars and run our factories. And we will transform our schools and colleges and universities to meet the demands of a new age. All this we can do. All this we will do.
Now, there are some who question the scale of our ambitions— who suggest that our system cannot tolerate too many big plans. Their memories are short. For they have forgotten what this country has already done; what free men and women can achieve when
imagination is joined to common purpose, and necessity to courage.
What the cynics fail to understand is that the ground has shifted beneath them—that the stale political arguments that have consumed us for so long no longer apply. The question we ask today is not whether our government is too big or too small, but
whether it works—whether it helps families find jobs at a decent wage, care they can afford, a retirement that is dignified. Where the answer is yes, we intend to move forward. Where the answer is no, programs will end. And those of us who manage the public’s dollars will be held to account—to spend wisely, reform bad habits, and do our business in the light of day—because only then can we restore the vital trust between a people and their government.
Nor is the question before us whether the market is a force for good or ill. Its power to generate wealth and expand freedom is unmatched, but this crisis has reminded us that without a watchful eye, the market can spin out of control—the nation cannot prosper long when it favors only the prosperous. The success of our economy has always depended not just on the size of our Gross Domestic Product, but on the reach of our prosperity; on the ability to extend opportunity to every willing heart—not out of charity, but because it is the surest route to our common good.
As for our common defense, we reject as false the choice between our safety and our ideals. Our Founding Fathers, faced with perils that we can scarcely imagine, drafted a charter to assure the rule of law and the rights of man, a charter expanded by the blood of generations. Those ideals still light the world, and we will not give them up for expedience’s sake. And so to all the other peoples and governments who are watching today, from the grandest capitals to the small village where my father was born: know that America is a friend of each nation and every man, woman, and child who seeks a future of peace and dignity, and we are ready to lead once more.
Recall that earlier generations faced down fascism and communism not just with missiles and tanks, but with the sturdy alliances and enduring convictions. They understood that our power alone cannot protect us, nor does it entitle us to do as we please. Instead, they knew that our power grows through its prudent use; our security emanates from the justness of our cause, the force of our example, the tempering qualities of humility and restraint.
We are the keepers of this legacy. Guided by these principles once more, we can meet those new threats that demand even greater effort—even greater cooperation and understanding between nations. We will begin to responsibly leave Iraq to its people, and forge a hard-earned peace in Afghanistan. With old friends and former foes, we will work tirelessly to lessen the nuclear threat, and roll back the specter of a warming planet. We will not apologize for our way of life, nor will we waver in its defense, and for those who seek to advance their aims by inducing terror and slaughtering innocents, we say to you now that our spirit is stronger and cannot be broken; you cannot outlast us, and we will defeat you.
For we know that our patchwork heritage is a strength, not a weakness. We are a nation of Christians and Muslims, Jews and Hindus—and non-believers. We are shaped by every language and culture, drawn from every end of this Earth; and because we have tasted the bitter swill of civil war and segregation, and emerged from that dark chapter stronger and more united, we cannot help but believe that the old hatreds shall someday pass; that the lines of tribe shall soon dissolve; that as the world grows smaller, our common humanity shall reveal itself; and that America must play its role in ushering in a new era of peace.
To the Muslim world, we seek a new way forward, based on mutual interest and mutual respect. To those leaders around the globe who seek to sow conflict, or blame their society’s ills on the West—know that your people will judge you on what you can build, not what you destroy. To those who cling to power through corruption and deceit and the silencing of dissent, know that you are on the wrong side of history; but that we will extend a hand if you are willing to unclench your fist.
To the people of poor nations, we pledge to work alongside you to make your farms flourish and let clean waters flow; to nourish starved bodies and feed hungry minds. And to those nations like ours that enjoy relative plenty, we say we can no longer afford
indifference to the suffering outside our borders; nor can we consume the world’s resources without regard to effect. For the world has changed, and we must change with it.
As we consider the road that unfolds before us, we remember with humble gratitude those brave Americans who, at this very hour, patrol far-off deserts and distant mountains. They have something to tell us, just as the fallen heroes who lie in Arlington whisper through the ages. We honor them not only because they are the guardians of our liberty, but because they embody the spirit of service; a willingness to find meaning in something greater than themselves. And yet, at this moment—a moment that will define a generation—it is precisely this spirit that must inhabit us all.
For as much as government can do and must do, it is ultimately the faith and determination of the American people upon which this nation relies. It is the kindness to take in a stranger when the levees break, the selflessness of workers who would rather cut their hours than see a friend lose their job which sees us through our darkest hours. It is the firefighter’s courage to storm a stairway filled with smoke, but also a parent’s willingness to nurture a child, that finally decides our fate.
Our challenges may be new. The instruments with which we meet them may be new. But those values upon which our success depends—honesty and hard work, courage and fair play, tolerance and curiosity, loyalty and patriotism—these things are old. These things are true. They have been the quiet force of progress throughout our history. What is demanded then is a return to these truths. What is required of us now is a new era of responsibility—a recognition, on the part of every American, that we have duties to ourselves, our nation, and the world, duties that we do not grudgingly accept but rather seize gladly, firm in the knowledge that there is nothing so satisfying to the spirit, so defining of our character, than giving our all to a difficult task.
This is the price and the promise of citizenship.
This is the source of our confidence—the knowledge that God calls on us to shape an uncertain destiny.
This is the meaning of our liberty and our creed—why men and women and children of every race and every faith can join in celebration across this magnificent mall, and why a man whose father less than sixty years ago might not have been served at a local restaurant can now stand before you to take a most sacred oath.
So let us mark this day with remembrance, of who we are and how far we have traveled. In the year of America’s birth, in the coldest of months, a small band of patriots huddled by dying campfires on the shores of an icy river. The capital was abandoned.
The enemy was advancing. The snow was stained with blood. At a moment when the outcome of our revolution was most in doubt, the father of our nation ordered these words be read to the people:
“Let it be told to the future world… that in the depth of winter, when nothing but hope and virtue could survive… that the city and the country, alarmed at one common danger, came forth to meet… it.”
America! In the face of our common dangers, in this winter of our hardship, let us remember these timeless words. With hope and virtue, let us brave once more the icy currents, and endure what storms may come. Let it be said by our children’s children that when we were tested we refused to let this journey end, that we did not turn back nor did we falter; and with eyes fixed on the horizon and God’s grace upon us, we carried forth that great gift of freedom and delivered it safely to future generations.
Thank you. God bless you. And God bless the United States of America.
George Washington
First Inaugural Address
In the City of New York
Thursday, April 30, 1789
[The Nation’s first chief executive took his oath of office in April in New York City on the balcony of the Senate Chamber at Federal Hall on Wall Street. General Washington had been unanimously elected President by the first electoral college, and John Adams was elected Vice President because he received the second greatest number of votes. Under the rules, each elector cast two votes. The Chancellor of New York and fellow Freemason, Robert R. Livingston administered the oath of office. The Bible on which the oath was sworn belonged to New York’s St. John’s Masonic Lodge. The new President gave his inaugural address before a joint session of the two Houses of Congress assembled inside the Senate Chamber. ]
Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives:
AMONG the vicissitudes incident to life no event could have filled me with greater anxieties than that of which the notification was transmitted by your order, and received on the 14th day of the present month. On the one hand, I was summoned by my country, whose voice I can never hear but with veneration and love, from a retreat which I had chosen with the fondest predilection, and, in my flattering hopes, with an immutable decision, as the asylum of my declining years—a retreat which was rendered every day more necessary as well as more dear to me by the addition of habit to inclination, and of frequent interruptions in my health to the gradual waste committed on it by time. On the other hand, the magnitude and difficulty of the trust to which the voice of my country called me, being sufficient to awaken in the wisest and most experienced of her citizens a distrustful scrutiny into his qualifications, could not but overwhelm with despondence one who (inheriting inferior endowments from nature and unpracticed in the duties of civil administration) ought to be peculiarly conscious of his own deficiencies. In this conflict of emotions all I dare aver is that it has been my faithful study to collect my duty from a just appreciation of every circumstance by which it might be affected. All I dare hope is that if, in executing this task, I have been too much swayed by a grateful remembrance of former instances, or by an affectionate sensibility to this transcendent proof of the confidence of my fellow-citizens, and have thence too little consulted my incapacity as well as disinclination for the weighty and untried cares before me, my error will be palliated by the motives which mislead me, and its consequences be judged by my country with some share of the partiality in which they originated.
Such being the impressions under which I have, in obedience to the public summons, repaired to the present station, it would be peculiarly improper to omit in this first official act my fervent supplications to that Almighty Being who rules over the universe, who presides in the councils of nations, and whose providential aids can supply every human defect, that His benediction may consecrate to the liberties and happiness of the people of the United States a Government instituted by themselves for these essential purposes, and may enable every instrument employed in its administration to execute with success the functions allotted to his charge. In tendering this homage to the Great Author of every public and private good, I assure myself that it expresses your sentiments not less than my own, nor those of my fellow-citizens at large less than either. No people can be bound to acknowledge and adore the Invisible Hand which conducts the affairs of men more than those of the United States. Every step by which they have advanced to the character of an independent nation seems to have been distinguished by some token of providential agency; and in the important revolution just accomplished in the system of their united government the tranquil deliberations and voluntary consent of so many distinct communities from which the event has resulted can not be compared with the means by which most governments have been established without some return of pious gratitude, along with an humble anticipation of the future blessings which the past seem to presage. These reflections, arising out of the present crisis, have forced themselves too strongly on my mind to be suppressed. You will join with me, I trust, in thinking that there are none under the influence of which the proceedings of a new and free government can more auspiciously commence.
By the article establishing the executive department it is made the duty of the President “to recommend to your consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient.” The circumstances under which I now meet you will acquit me from entering into that subject further than to refer to the great constitutional charter under which you are assembled, and which, in defining your powers, designates the objects to which your attention is to be given. It will be more consistent with those circumstances, and far more congenial with the feelings which actuate me, to substitute, in place of a recommendation of particular measures, the tribute that is due to the talents, the rectitude, and the patriotism which adorn the characters selected to devise and adopt them. In these honorable qualifications I behold the surest pledges that as on one side no local prejudices or attachments, no separate views nor party animosities, will misdirect the comprehensive and equal eye which ought to watch over this great assemblage of communities and interests, so, on another, that the foundation of our national policy will be laid in the pure and immutable principles of private morality, and the preeminence of free government be exemplified by all the attributes which can win the affections of its citizens and command the respect of the world. I dwell on this prospect with every satisfaction which an ardent love for my country can inspire, since there is no truth more thoroughly established than that there exists in the economy and course of nature an indissoluble union between virtue and happiness; between duty and advantage; between the genuine maxims of an honest and magnanimous policy and the solid rewards of public prosperity and felicity; since we ought to be no less persuaded that the propitious smiles of Heaven can never be expected on a nation that disregards the eternal rules of order and right which Heaven itself has ordained; and since the preservation of the sacred fire of liberty and the destiny of the republican model of government are justly considered, perhaps, as deeply, as finally, staked on the experiment entrusted to the hands of the American people.
Besides the ordinary objects submitted to your care, it will remain with your judgment to decide how far an exercise of the occasional power delegated by the fifth article of the Constitution is rendered expedient at the present juncture by the nature of objections which have been urged against the system, or by the degree of inquietude which has given birth to them. Instead of undertaking particular recommendations on this subject, in which I could be guided by no lights derived from official opportunities, I shall again give way to my entire confidence in your discernment and pursuit of the public good; for I assure myself that whilst you carefully avoid every alteration which might endanger the benefits of an united and effective government, or which ought to await the future lessons of experience, a reverence for the characteristic rights of freemen and a regard for the public harmony will sufficiently influence your deliberations on the question how far the former can be impregnably fortified or the latter be safely and advantageously promoted.
To the foregoing observations I have one to add, which will be most properly addressed to the House of Representatives. It concerns myself, and will therefore be as brief as possible. When I was first honored with a call into the service of my country, then on the eve of an arduous struggle for its liberties, the light in which I contemplated my duty required that I should renounce every pecuniary compensation. From this resolution I have in no instance departed; and being still under the impressions which produced it, I must decline as inapplicable to myself any share in the personal emoluments which may be indispensably included in a permanent provision for the executive department, and must accordingly pray that the pecuniary estimates for the station in which I am placed may during my continuance in it be limited to such actual expenditures as the public good may be thought to require.
Having thus imparted to you my sentiments as they have been awakened by the occasion which brings us together, I shall take my present leave; but not without resorting once more to the benign Parent of the Human Race in humble supplication that, since He has been pleased to favor the American people with opportunities for deliberating in perfect tranquillity, and dispositions for deciding with unparalleled unanimity on a form of government for the security of their union and the advancement of their happiness, so His divine blessing may be equally conspicuous in the enlarged views, the temperate consultations, and the wise measures on which the success of this Government must depend.
First Inaugural Address
Tuesday, January 20, 2009
[Barack Obama was inaugurated as the 44th President of the United States— becoming the first African American to serve in that office—on January 20, 2009.
The son of a white American mother and a black Kenyan father, Obama grew up in Hawaii. Leaving the state to attend college, he earned degrees from Columbia University and Harvard Law School. Obama worked as a community organizer in Chicago, where he met and married Michelle LaVaughn Robinson in 1992. Their two daughters, Malia Ann and Natasha (Sasha) were born in 1998 and 2001, respectively. Obama was elected to the Illinois state senate in 1996 and served there for eight years. In 2004, he was elected by a record majority to the U.S. Senate from Illinois and, in February 2007, announced his candidacy for President. After winning a closely-fought contest against New York Senator and former First Lady Hillary Rodham Clinton for the Democratic nomination, Obama handily defeated Senator John McCain of Arizona, the Republican nominee for President, in the general election.
When President Obama took office, he faced very significant challenges. The economy was officially in a recession, and the outgoing administration of George W. Bush had begun to implement a controversial “bail-out” package to try to help struggling financial institutions. In foreign affairs, the United States still had troops deployed in Iraq and Afghanistan, and warfare had broken out between Israel and Hamas in the Gaza Strip, illustrating the ongoing instability of the Middle East.]
My Fellow Citizens:
I stand here today humbled by the task before us, grateful for the trust you have bestowed, mindful of the sacrifices borne by our ancestors. I thank President Bush for his service to our nation, as well as the generosity and cooperation he has shown throughout this transition.
Forty-four Americans have now taken the presidential oath. The words have been spoken during rising tides of prosperity and the still waters of peace. Yet, every so often the oath is taken amidst gathering clouds and raging storms. At these moments, America has carried on not simply because of the skill or vision of those in high office, but because We the People have remained faithful to the ideals of our forbearers, and true to our founding documents. So it has been. So it must be with this generation of Americans.
That we are in the midst of crisis is now well understood. Our nation is at war, against a far-reaching network of violence and hatred. Our economy is badly weakened, a consequence of greed and irresponsibility on the part of some, but also our collective
failure to make hard choices and prepare the nation for a new age. Homes have been lost; jobs shed; businesses shuttered. Our health care is too costly; our schools fail too many; and each day brings further evidence that the ways we use energy strengthen our
adversaries and threaten our planet.
These are the indicators of crisis, subject to data and statistics. Less measurable but no less profound is a sapping of confidence across our land—a nagging fear that America’s decline is inevitable, that the next generation must lower its sights.
Today I say to you that the challenges we face are real. They are serious and they are many. They will not be met easily or in a short span of time. But know this, America—they will be met.
On this day, we gather because we have chosen hope over fear, unity of purpose over conflict and discord.
On this day, we come to proclaim an end to the petty grievances and false promises, the recriminations and worn-out dogmas that for far too long have strangled our politics.
We remain a young nation, but in the words of Scripture, the time has come to set aside childish things. The time has come to reaffirm our enduring spirit; to choose our better history; to carry forward that precious gift, that noble idea, passed on from generation to generation: the God-given promise that all are equal, all are free, and all deserve a chance to pursue their full measure of happiness.
In reaffirming the greatness of our nation, we understand that greatness is never a given. It must be earned. Our journey has never been one of shortcuts or settling for less. It has not been the path for the faint-hearted—for those who prefer leisure over work, or seek only the pleasures of riches and fame. Rather, it has been the risk-takers, the doers, the makers of things—some celebrated but more often men and women obscure in their labor, who have carried us up the long, rugged path towards prosperity and freedom.
For us, they packed up their few worldly possessions and traveled across oceans in search of a new life.
For us, they toiled in sweatshops and settled the West; endured the lash of the whip and plowed the hard earth.
For us, they fought and died, in places like Concord and Gettysburg; Normandy and Khe Sahn.
Time and again these men and women struggled and sacrificed and worked till their hands were raw so that we might live a better life. They saw America as bigger than the sum of our individual ambitions; greater than all the differences of birth or wealth or faction.
This is the journey we continue today. We remain the most prosperous, powerful nation on Earth. Our workers are no less productive than when this crisis began. Our minds are no less inventive, our goods and services no less needed than they were last week or last month or last year. Our capacity remains undiminished. But our time of standing pat, of protecting narrow interests and putting off unpleasant decisions—that time has surely passed. Starting today, we must pick ourselves up, dust ourselves off, and begin again the work of remaking America.
For everywhere we look, there is work to be done. The state of our economy calls for action, bold and swift, and we will act—not only to create new jobs, but to lay a new foundation for growth. We will build the roads and bridges, the electric grids and digital lines that feed our commerce and bind us together. We will restore science to its rightful place, and wield technology’s wonders to raise health care’s quality and lower its cost. We will harness the sun and the winds and the soil to fuel our cars and run our factories. And we will transform our schools and colleges and universities to meet the demands of a new age. All this we can do. All this we will do.
Now, there are some who question the scale of our ambitions— who suggest that our system cannot tolerate too many big plans. Their memories are short. For they have forgotten what this country has already done; what free men and women can achieve when
imagination is joined to common purpose, and necessity to courage.
What the cynics fail to understand is that the ground has shifted beneath them—that the stale political arguments that have consumed us for so long no longer apply. The question we ask today is not whether our government is too big or too small, but
whether it works—whether it helps families find jobs at a decent wage, care they can afford, a retirement that is dignified. Where the answer is yes, we intend to move forward. Where the answer is no, programs will end. And those of us who manage the public’s dollars will be held to account—to spend wisely, reform bad habits, and do our business in the light of day—because only then can we restore the vital trust between a people and their government.
Nor is the question before us whether the market is a force for good or ill. Its power to generate wealth and expand freedom is unmatched, but this crisis has reminded us that without a watchful eye, the market can spin out of control—the nation cannot prosper long when it favors only the prosperous. The success of our economy has always depended not just on the size of our Gross Domestic Product, but on the reach of our prosperity; on the ability to extend opportunity to every willing heart—not out of charity, but because it is the surest route to our common good.
As for our common defense, we reject as false the choice between our safety and our ideals. Our Founding Fathers, faced with perils that we can scarcely imagine, drafted a charter to assure the rule of law and the rights of man, a charter expanded by the blood of generations. Those ideals still light the world, and we will not give them up for expedience’s sake. And so to all the other peoples and governments who are watching today, from the grandest capitals to the small village where my father was born: know that America is a friend of each nation and every man, woman, and child who seeks a future of peace and dignity, and we are ready to lead once more.
Recall that earlier generations faced down fascism and communism not just with missiles and tanks, but with the sturdy alliances and enduring convictions. They understood that our power alone cannot protect us, nor does it entitle us to do as we please. Instead, they knew that our power grows through its prudent use; our security emanates from the justness of our cause, the force of our example, the tempering qualities of humility and restraint.
We are the keepers of this legacy. Guided by these principles once more, we can meet those new threats that demand even greater effort—even greater cooperation and understanding between nations. We will begin to responsibly leave Iraq to its people, and forge a hard-earned peace in Afghanistan. With old friends and former foes, we will work tirelessly to lessen the nuclear threat, and roll back the specter of a warming planet. We will not apologize for our way of life, nor will we waver in its defense, and for those who seek to advance their aims by inducing terror and slaughtering innocents, we say to you now that our spirit is stronger and cannot be broken; you cannot outlast us, and we will defeat you.
For we know that our patchwork heritage is a strength, not a weakness. We are a nation of Christians and Muslims, Jews and Hindus—and non-believers. We are shaped by every language and culture, drawn from every end of this Earth; and because we have tasted the bitter swill of civil war and segregation, and emerged from that dark chapter stronger and more united, we cannot help but believe that the old hatreds shall someday pass; that the lines of tribe shall soon dissolve; that as the world grows smaller, our common humanity shall reveal itself; and that America must play its role in ushering in a new era of peace.
To the Muslim world, we seek a new way forward, based on mutual interest and mutual respect. To those leaders around the globe who seek to sow conflict, or blame their society’s ills on the West—know that your people will judge you on what you can build, not what you destroy. To those who cling to power through corruption and deceit and the silencing of dissent, know that you are on the wrong side of history; but that we will extend a hand if you are willing to unclench your fist.
To the people of poor nations, we pledge to work alongside you to make your farms flourish and let clean waters flow; to nourish starved bodies and feed hungry minds. And to those nations like ours that enjoy relative plenty, we say we can no longer afford
indifference to the suffering outside our borders; nor can we consume the world’s resources without regard to effect. For the world has changed, and we must change with it.
As we consider the road that unfolds before us, we remember with humble gratitude those brave Americans who, at this very hour, patrol far-off deserts and distant mountains. They have something to tell us, just as the fallen heroes who lie in Arlington whisper through the ages. We honor them not only because they are the guardians of our liberty, but because they embody the spirit of service; a willingness to find meaning in something greater than themselves. And yet, at this moment—a moment that will define a generation—it is precisely this spirit that must inhabit us all.
For as much as government can do and must do, it is ultimately the faith and determination of the American people upon which this nation relies. It is the kindness to take in a stranger when the levees break, the selflessness of workers who would rather cut their hours than see a friend lose their job which sees us through our darkest hours. It is the firefighter’s courage to storm a stairway filled with smoke, but also a parent’s willingness to nurture a child, that finally decides our fate.
Our challenges may be new. The instruments with which we meet them may be new. But those values upon which our success depends—honesty and hard work, courage and fair play, tolerance and curiosity, loyalty and patriotism—these things are old. These things are true. They have been the quiet force of progress throughout our history. What is demanded then is a return to these truths. What is required of us now is a new era of responsibility—a recognition, on the part of every American, that we have duties to ourselves, our nation, and the world, duties that we do not grudgingly accept but rather seize gladly, firm in the knowledge that there is nothing so satisfying to the spirit, so defining of our character, than giving our all to a difficult task.
This is the price and the promise of citizenship.
This is the source of our confidence—the knowledge that God calls on us to shape an uncertain destiny.
This is the meaning of our liberty and our creed—why men and women and children of every race and every faith can join in celebration across this magnificent mall, and why a man whose father less than sixty years ago might not have been served at a local restaurant can now stand before you to take a most sacred oath.
So let us mark this day with remembrance, of who we are and how far we have traveled. In the year of America’s birth, in the coldest of months, a small band of patriots huddled by dying campfires on the shores of an icy river. The capital was abandoned.
The enemy was advancing. The snow was stained with blood. At a moment when the outcome of our revolution was most in doubt, the father of our nation ordered these words be read to the people:
“Let it be told to the future world… that in the depth of winter, when nothing but hope and virtue could survive… that the city and the country, alarmed at one common danger, came forth to meet… it.”
America! In the face of our common dangers, in this winter of our hardship, let us remember these timeless words. With hope and virtue, let us brave once more the icy currents, and endure what storms may come. Let it be said by our children’s children that when we were tested we refused to let this journey end, that we did not turn back nor did we falter; and with eyes fixed on the horizon and God’s grace upon us, we carried forth that great gift of freedom and delivered it safely to future generations.
Thank you. God bless you. And God bless the United States of America.
George Washington
First Inaugural Address
In the City of New York
Thursday, April 30, 1789
[The Nation’s first chief executive took his oath of office in April in New York City on the balcony of the Senate Chamber at Federal Hall on Wall Street. General Washington had been unanimously elected President by the first electoral college, and John Adams was elected Vice President because he received the second greatest number of votes. Under the rules, each elector cast two votes. The Chancellor of New York and fellow Freemason, Robert R. Livingston administered the oath of office. The Bible on which the oath was sworn belonged to New York’s St. John’s Masonic Lodge. The new President gave his inaugural address before a joint session of the two Houses of Congress assembled inside the Senate Chamber. ]
Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives:
AMONG the vicissitudes incident to life no event could have filled me with greater anxieties than that of which the notification was transmitted by your order, and received on the 14th day of the present month. On the one hand, I was summoned by my country, whose voice I can never hear but with veneration and love, from a retreat which I had chosen with the fondest predilection, and, in my flattering hopes, with an immutable decision, as the asylum of my declining years—a retreat which was rendered every day more necessary as well as more dear to me by the addition of habit to inclination, and of frequent interruptions in my health to the gradual waste committed on it by time. On the other hand, the magnitude and difficulty of the trust to which the voice of my country called me, being sufficient to awaken in the wisest and most experienced of her citizens a distrustful scrutiny into his qualifications, could not but overwhelm with despondence one who (inheriting inferior endowments from nature and unpracticed in the duties of civil administration) ought to be peculiarly conscious of his own deficiencies. In this conflict of emotions all I dare aver is that it has been my faithful study to collect my duty from a just appreciation of every circumstance by which it might be affected. All I dare hope is that if, in executing this task, I have been too much swayed by a grateful remembrance of former instances, or by an affectionate sensibility to this transcendent proof of the confidence of my fellow-citizens, and have thence too little consulted my incapacity as well as disinclination for the weighty and untried cares before me, my error will be palliated by the motives which mislead me, and its consequences be judged by my country with some share of the partiality in which they originated.
Such being the impressions under which I have, in obedience to the public summons, repaired to the present station, it would be peculiarly improper to omit in this first official act my fervent supplications to that Almighty Being who rules over the universe, who presides in the councils of nations, and whose providential aids can supply every human defect, that His benediction may consecrate to the liberties and happiness of the people of the United States a Government instituted by themselves for these essential purposes, and may enable every instrument employed in its administration to execute with success the functions allotted to his charge. In tendering this homage to the Great Author of every public and private good, I assure myself that it expresses your sentiments not less than my own, nor those of my fellow-citizens at large less than either. No people can be bound to acknowledge and adore the Invisible Hand which conducts the affairs of men more than those of the United States. Every step by which they have advanced to the character of an independent nation seems to have been distinguished by some token of providential agency; and in the important revolution just accomplished in the system of their united government the tranquil deliberations and voluntary consent of so many distinct communities from which the event has resulted can not be compared with the means by which most governments have been established without some return of pious gratitude, along with an humble anticipation of the future blessings which the past seem to presage. These reflections, arising out of the present crisis, have forced themselves too strongly on my mind to be suppressed. You will join with me, I trust, in thinking that there are none under the influence of which the proceedings of a new and free government can more auspiciously commence.
By the article establishing the executive department it is made the duty of the President “to recommend to your consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient.” The circumstances under which I now meet you will acquit me from entering into that subject further than to refer to the great constitutional charter under which you are assembled, and which, in defining your powers, designates the objects to which your attention is to be given. It will be more consistent with those circumstances, and far more congenial with the feelings which actuate me, to substitute, in place of a recommendation of particular measures, the tribute that is due to the talents, the rectitude, and the patriotism which adorn the characters selected to devise and adopt them. In these honorable qualifications I behold the surest pledges that as on one side no local prejudices or attachments, no separate views nor party animosities, will misdirect the comprehensive and equal eye which ought to watch over this great assemblage of communities and interests, so, on another, that the foundation of our national policy will be laid in the pure and immutable principles of private morality, and the preeminence of free government be exemplified by all the attributes which can win the affections of its citizens and command the respect of the world. I dwell on this prospect with every satisfaction which an ardent love for my country can inspire, since there is no truth more thoroughly established than that there exists in the economy and course of nature an indissoluble union between virtue and happiness; between duty and advantage; between the genuine maxims of an honest and magnanimous policy and the solid rewards of public prosperity and felicity; since we ought to be no less persuaded that the propitious smiles of Heaven can never be expected on a nation that disregards the eternal rules of order and right which Heaven itself has ordained; and since the preservation of the sacred fire of liberty and the destiny of the republican model of government are justly considered, perhaps, as deeply, as finally, staked on the experiment entrusted to the hands of the American people.
Besides the ordinary objects submitted to your care, it will remain with your judgment to decide how far an exercise of the occasional power delegated by the fifth article of the Constitution is rendered expedient at the present juncture by the nature of objections which have been urged against the system, or by the degree of inquietude which has given birth to them. Instead of undertaking particular recommendations on this subject, in which I could be guided by no lights derived from official opportunities, I shall again give way to my entire confidence in your discernment and pursuit of the public good; for I assure myself that whilst you carefully avoid every alteration which might endanger the benefits of an united and effective government, or which ought to await the future lessons of experience, a reverence for the characteristic rights of freemen and a regard for the public harmony will sufficiently influence your deliberations on the question how far the former can be impregnably fortified or the latter be safely and advantageously promoted.
To the foregoing observations I have one to add, which will be most properly addressed to the House of Representatives. It concerns myself, and will therefore be as brief as possible. When I was first honored with a call into the service of my country, then on the eve of an arduous struggle for its liberties, the light in which I contemplated my duty required that I should renounce every pecuniary compensation. From this resolution I have in no instance departed; and being still under the impressions which produced it, I must decline as inapplicable to myself any share in the personal emoluments which may be indispensably included in a permanent provision for the executive department, and must accordingly pray that the pecuniary estimates for the station in which I am placed may during my continuance in it be limited to such actual expenditures as the public good may be thought to require.
Having thus imparted to you my sentiments as they have been awakened by the occasion which brings us together, I shall take my present leave; but not without resorting once more to the benign Parent of the Human Race in humble supplication that, since He has been pleased to favor the American people with opportunities for deliberating in perfect tranquillity, and dispositions for deciding with unparalleled unanimity on a form of government for the security of their union and the advancement of their happiness, so His divine blessing may be equally conspicuous in the enlarged views, the temperate consultations, and the wise measures on which the success of this Government must depend.
2013年9月13日 星期五
香港望族
香港望族
明報出版
165頁/繁體橫排/18開/平裝
ISBN：9789888082124
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香港歷史上出現過不少名門望族，他們對香港以至中國近代史均有深遠影響，有的在今日的香港政治、經濟或文化領域仍佔重要地位，叱吒風雲。亞洲電視新聞部資訊科製作了《香港望族》節目，並加入更多資料及珍貴圖片，輯錄成書，與大家分享十五個極富傳奇的家族故事，一起見證香港歷史。
歐裔華人──何東家族：何東的父親其實是洋人，為何他自己及香港社會都視他為華人？為何這個「華人」可以在殖民地時代取得如此尊貴的地位？他和他的家族又如何見證了香港乃至中國的政治、經濟及社會發展？
父子外交家──伍廷芳家族：伍廷芳是香港首位華人執業大律師，首位華人太平紳士，首位華人立法局議員，他卻投身清廷李鴻章門下做幕僚。時代浪潮究竟如何讓伍廷芳在中國近代政治、外交、法律改革方面大展才能呢？伍廷芳逝世大半個世紀之後，後人捐贈價值數億元的文物給中國政府，當中有什麼因由？
買辦世家──莫仕揚家族：據統計，一九三七年前，莫氏家族約有一千名成員在太古洋行及相關公司工作，擔任要職，故「買辦世家」的名號亦由此而來。不過，買辦制度於一九三七年廢除後，這個行業便步入黃昏期。自此以後，莫氏家族的後人，改為從事其他行業，並在各行各業中發光發亮。
留美幼童──周壽臣家族：周壽臣是第三批留美幼童，回來後卻適逢國家發生連場的戰爭，中日甲午戰爭戰敗，大清三十年的洋務運動亦慘淡收場，其後辛亥革命爆發，令到周壽臣擁有才學卻沒有用武之地，年介五十歲的周壽臣決定辭官歸隱，回到他的出生地──香港，打算就此終老，但他並沒有想到，回港後的日子，才是他精彩人生的開始。
李茂枝繁──李石朋家族：由李國能任首席法官的香港終審法院於一九九九年關於居港權問題的判案，造成中央回歸後第一次釋法。李氏三傑，各當一面，他們的父親、叔父、伯父、祖父以及曾祖父，都是如此。李氏一門可能是歷史上影響香港經濟、政治和社會最深遠的華人家族。
傳道授業──何福堂家族：何福堂是當年全香港第一位被按立的華人牧師；何福堂的兒子何啟既是醫生，又是律師，是香港不可多得的華人精英，更打入英國殖民統治者的上流社會。
歐裔華人──何東家族：何東的父親其實是洋人，為何他自己及香港社會都視他為華人？為何這個「華人」可以在殖民地時代取得如此尊貴的地位？他和他的家族又如何見證了香港乃至中國的政治、經濟及社會發展？
父子外交家──伍廷芳家族：伍廷芳是香港首位華人執業大律師，首位華人太平紳士，首位華人立法局議員，他卻投身清廷李鴻章門下做幕僚。時代浪潮究竟如何讓伍廷芳在中國近代政治、外交、法律改革方面大展才能呢？伍廷芳逝世大半個世紀之後，後人捐贈價值數億元的文物給中國政府，當中有什麼因由？
買辦世家──莫仕揚家族：據統計，一九三七年前，莫氏家族約有一千名成員在太古洋行及相關公司工作，擔任要職，故「買辦世家」的名號亦由此而來。不過，買辦制度於一九三七年廢除後，這個行業便步入黃昏期。自此以後，莫氏家族的後人，改為從事其他行業，並在各行各業中發光發亮。
留美幼童──周壽臣家族：周壽臣是第三批留美幼童，回來後卻適逢國家發生連場的戰爭，中日甲午戰爭戰敗，大清三十年的洋務運動亦慘淡收場，其後辛亥革命爆發，令到周壽臣擁有才學卻沒有用武之地，年介五十歲的周壽臣決定辭官歸隱，回到他的出生地──香港，打算就此終老，但他並沒有想到，回港後的日子，才是他精彩人生的開始。
李茂枝繁──李石朋家族：由李國能任首席法官的香港終審法院於一九九九年關於居港權問題的判案，造成中央回歸後第一次釋法。李氏三傑，各當一面，他們的父親、叔父、伯父、祖父以及曾祖父，都是如此。李氏一門可能是歷史上影響香港經濟、政治和社會最深遠的華人家族。
傳道授業──何福堂家族：何福堂是當年全香港第一位被按立的華人牧師；何福堂的兒子何啟既是醫生，又是律師，是香港不可多得的華人精英，更打入英國殖民統治者的上流社會。
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